Qiming 1158

Chapter 1223 Collective Farm
Su Yonglin held his rice bowl and chatted with the migrant workers about the trivial things they were troubled by.

Talking here, talking there, constantly changing topics that are related to their vital interests, and in a while, they had a heated fight with a group of migrant workers.

The migrant workers are not dumb at all. They are very cheerful, and some of them talk. Some of them can even be regarded as talkative.

Su Yonglin talked to them about agricultural production, about the state's tax policy, about peasant associations and cadres, and about collective farms.

At first glance, it may sound like a trivial matter, a trivial matter that only has some personal connection with them, but if they really want to do it, it is definitely a big deal.

Like the collective farm thing.

Collective farms are not yet a national policy.

In the beginning, collective farms only demarcated experimental areas around Zhongdu in the Yanyun area, and conducted experiments on collective farms.

Later, because the conflict between the agricultural labor force and the engineering labor force appeared in the Yellow River project area, and the peasant association could not solve it, Su Yonglin decided to implement the collective farm policy in the Yellow River project labor area.

Everyone's land is a game of chess, a group of people go out to work, and a group of people go to the field, changing the original small-scale peasant production model to a collective production model, and the farm will organize labor to cultivate the land of each family according to the plan.

When it is time to distribute, according to a relatively complex calculation method, everyone distributes the income of agricultural production according to the earned work points, which is open, fair and just, and the old people are not deceived.

At the beginning, farmers in the Yanyun area felt the same way about this plan.

They didn't quite understand it, were puzzled, and wondered if the imperial court was going to take back the land given to them and turn it into the imperial court's land instead of their own. There was a strong resistance to this.

Su Yonglin asked local peasant associations at all levels and members of the revival association to go to the countryside in an all-round way, and persuaded the peasants with good words and persuasion, telling the advantages of collective farms and the shortcomings of the small-scale peasant economy with decentralized production.

I have said everything that needs to be said, and the explanation is clear. As for whether farmers are willing to join collective farms, it is completely based on the principle of voluntariness. No coercion is allowed, and no KPIs are set, and the farmers' personal wishes are completely followed.

Because the most direct reason for the design of this system is to solve the contradiction between the projects in the early stage of national construction and agricultural production, as for changing the attributes of agricultural production and preparing to resist natural disasters with collective strength, these are the goals in the future.

The most direct contradiction on the table is the contradiction between local labor and agricultural production, and it is difficult to reconcile the contradiction that farmers want to take into account engineering and land.

In order to solve this contradiction, collective farms were created, which is of pertinent significance.

In order to let the labor force left on the farm work wholeheartedly on everyone's land, it is not necessary to use a simple distribution system, but to create a whole new system of work points to distribute the income.

This prevents them from working intensively on their own land and carelessly on other people's land.

Once this happens, the collective farm can be said to have basically failed.

Su Yonglin does not intend to use coercive means to require all farmers to support joining the collective farm, because he is very clear that this is an unknown challenge for farmers, and there is a great risk.

At the beginning, when the Shengjie Army fought local tyrants to distribute land, Su Yonglin had not yet stipulated the state-owned land system. After burning the original land deed and issuing the land ownership certificate, farmers were allowed to buy and sell land freely in practice.

This is also Su Yonglin's actual experience.

When he was in the Southern Song Dynasty, his family had extensive land. He had contact with farmers and knew the general thoughts of farmers.

Tell them directly that the land is publicly owned, that you only have the right to use the land, but the state will guarantee your right to use the land. To them, this is equivalent to [the land is not mine, but yours].

From the farmers' point of view, it doesn't matter to them to use it. They now have the right to use the land, but they don't have the ownership.

And what is the greatest symbol of ownership?
Free to buy and sell.

Only by allowing them to buy and sell land freely can they truly feel that the land is theirs. If they are not allowed to buy and sell land freely, then the land cannot be regarded as theirs.

This is no different from what the old landlords and officials did in the past.

The land is still not my own.

Maybe if you say today that this land is mine, and I am foolishly working hard to cultivate it, then if you say another word tomorrow, the land and the harvest on the land are not mine.

Then I have to work hard to serve the land?
It's best to just screw it up.

It's a very debatable question whether to support you or not, despite your friendly behavior.

But the land is not mine!
I want land!
The ancient peasant groups were generally short-sighted. They could see and only see the immediate benefits. If the land did not belong to them, then they would not have the enthusiasm for production, and they would not support Su Yonglin and Shengjie Army.

Therefore, in the later period of the Shengjie Army and the Restoration Army, Su Yonglin had set up a state-owned land system on paper, but in practice, farmers were still allowed to buy and sell land freely without official intervention.

This was the case even after the establishment of the Ming Dynasty. In fact, farmers could still buy and sell land freely, so as to maintain their enthusiasm for production and to meet the huge recovery and development needs and military needs of the Ming Dynasty.

Only after joining collective farms can individual farmers' land become collectively owned and cannot be bought and sold by private individuals at will.

Under this premise, farmers can feel that the land belongs to them. In order to protect the land and property they have obtained, farmers will work hard to produce and support the Shengjie Army and the Restoration Army.

Carrying out revolutionary education on such a basis, breaking the shackles in their hearts and allowing them to identify with the Shengjie Army and the Restoration Army from the bottom of their hearts, can the Shengjie Army and the Restoration Army be bound together with the peasants and become real In the sense of peasant children soldiers.

The farmers have always maintained high-intensity support for Su Yonglin, and have high production enthusiasm and activity.

With this premise, Su Yonglin and the Shengjie Army could survive the most critical period of the initial revolutionary action, obtain enough food and military support, and successfully gain a firm foothold.

And in order to always ensure the enthusiasm of this policy and restrain its negative effects, revolutionary propaganda and the actual operation of hanging the landlords on the southeast branch have a very important role.

The grass-roots organization of the Renaissance also carried out very strict monitoring of land sales during this period, and conducted statistical analysis on the trend of land sales in various regions.

If they find that the frequency of land transactions in a certain area is unusually high, they will go to see what is going on in this area and who caused the increase in the frequency of land transactions.

Fortunately, the landlord class in most areas has been completely eradicated, the peasants have just turned over, and generally have little money, and the land buying and selling situation is relatively simple and easy to control.

Especially after the three-year and four-year purge of Hongwu, the landlord class was completely eliminated by the establishment system, and land transactions in various places in Daming were almost stagnant.

Under such circumstances, Su Yonglin began to try out the collective farm policy, intending to test the waters to see if farmers would want to make changes in the face of actual difficulties.

Once they accept it and the collective farm policy is established, the transition from private land ownership to public land ownership is actually completed, and public land ownership is no longer a paper term.

The peasants are familiar with this kind of engineering system, which is similar to corvée and corvée.

It's just that under the rule of the Ming Dynasty, this job not only provided food, but also paid wages. It was considered an employment. It was much better than the former corvée who couldn't even manage food. Therefore, it was difficult for farmers to give up this not only to eat well, but also to eat well. And paid jobs.

There is meat to eat, money to take, the tangible benefits are very attractive.

But at the same time, they can't give up their work on the land. They can't help but farm the land. Farming is their main business.

A dilemma is in front of them, and it is difficult for them to choose.

And just in time, the Ming Kingdom gave them a choice.

Collective farm policy.

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PS: The author who is still working during Labor Day needs the support of double monthly passes in your hands~~~
(End of this chapter)