Qiming 1158

Chapter 1520 Come, show you what a real emperor is

Zhou Wei's sudden backstab broke Pan Yongjian's mentality.

In Pan Yongjian's view, before everything is settled, you sell your teammates first?
Anyway, Pan Yongjian didn't see the omen that Su Yonglin was really ready to take action against them, but Zhou Wei did this and he became a conspirator directly.

Is there any possibility for a conspirator to survive in this court?
People hate dogs too!

He came to the gate of the palace with a broken heart, punched and kicked Zhou Wei, and angrily scolded him for being a capricious bastard.

Zhou Wei tried to exonerate him with such an act, but this only increased Su Yonglin's disgust towards him.

On the contrary, his self-destruction exposed Pan Yongjian's ugly deeds, and also exposed a group of people who followed Pan Yongjian's side to help Zhou's abuse, and there was no chance for him to struggle.

So the Metropolitan Procuratorate intervened in the investigation under Tian Guizi's instructions, and finally revealed the truth of this special incident provoked by Pan Yongjian.

At noon on December 11th, Hongwu Year [-], on the last day of the whole year, a big event that had everyone worried for a long time finally came to a conclusion.

This political turmoil is an extremely bad political conspiracy incident that was initiated and used by people who tried to conjure the soul of the old era and affected all aspects of the Ming Dynasty.

Of course, Pan Yongjian ended his political career completely. He was also investigated by the Metropolitan Prosecutor's Office because of his conspiracy and tricks.

The best result is also exile.

Although Zhou Wei was also dismissed from his position and lost his status as a member of the Renaissance, but because he had some credit for exposing the conspiracy at the end, he was not killed with a stick like Pan Yongjian.

Nevertheless, it is impossible for him to continue in politics.

After a conversation with the Supervision Department of the Renaissance Society, Zhou Wei agreed to voluntarily resign, and left Zhongdu to return to his hometown to work in agriculture, canceling all welfare benefits and salaries, reclaiming all the benefits originally given by the court, and canceling all the glory and past glory.

From then on, there was no such person in the revolutionary group of the Ming Dynasty.

Others involved in this matter, except Zhou Wei, were all dealt with seriously, ending their political life, and some of them had to continue to be dealt with and convicted, and the frontier pioneering construction team had to add new members.

The old-fashioned officials of the Ministry of Personnel, the Propaganda Department of the Renaissance Society, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Agriculture and other major departments have all been politically purged to varying degrees. Su Yonglin has never been soft on political enemies.

According to the final statistics, more than 60 officials have been punished to varying degrees, and most of them have lost their positions and status as revival members.

He is still an emperor now, an emperor even more emperor than an emperor, and he can do whatever he wants.

This is the first [blessing] that those people who hoped for him to establish a prince get.

A merciless political purge by an old-time emperor.

Don't you want a real emperor?
Come and show you what a real emperor is.

The real emperor not only represents huge interests, but also represents death and fear.

Su Yonglin sighed very much.

Compared with the disposal of reactionary forces, Su Yonglin's series of measures in political reform have more profound significance.

The strategy that Su Yonglin came up with to deal with this situation is the system of the Central Representative Conference and the People's Representative Conference that has been mentioned earlier, which are the main plans for this superstructure reform.

The system of the Central Representative Conference is to select outstanding civil and military officials with political achievements and military merits as representatives of all civil servants within the three major systems of the imperial court, the army, and the Renaissance Society to form a collective leadership organization to discuss major national affairs.

In the process of deliberation, each representative has the right to vote, and the final voting adopts the principle of minority obeying the majority, and a two-thirds majority is used as the symbol of the Central Representative Conference for decision-making, so as to make decisions for the country's major policies.

The decision reached by the Central Representative Conference is not the final decision. The decision also needs to be approved by the People's Representative Conference before it can be truly implemented into a policy that can actually be implemented.

The popular representative system is more intuitive.

It is to select people who are hard-working, willing to work, and have a certain contribution and reputation among the laborers from the grass-roots laborers and grass-roots soldiers such as farmers and industrial workers across the country, and gather them to participate in the meeting in Zhongdu.

Grassroots workers are the main part of Daming, and the representatives selected from them can represent the views of the masses of the main body of Daming and their interests.

The people's representative meeting will become the final decision-making body of the Ming Dynasty, and it has the final decision on the administrative strategy, military strategy and judicial strategy proposed by various organizations in the central capital.

A major decision must pass the review and approval of the people's congress before it can truly become a legal policy and be promulgated and implemented.

It is worth noting that only the people's representative assembly has the power to veto Su Yonglin's one-vote veto, which means that even if Su Yonglin vetoes something, as long as the people's representative assembly does not agree, Su Yonglin can't do anything about it.

This is Su Yonglin's institutional supplement to the one-vote veto system.

Su Yonglin has disclosed his designs for these two systems one after another before.

And this time, I completely put forward my design ideas for these two systems, and added a lot of details to make these details public.

In addition to these two key reforms, Su Yonglin also proposed supporting measures, namely other organizational reforms of the upper-level political system in the Ming state.

First of all, he wants to combine the Organization Department and the Personnel Department into one, and in fact establish a brand-new Organization Department based on the principles of the Organization Department, and have an overview of the national personnel authority.

In the face of the fact that the Renaissance Society has penetrated into all aspects of the imperial court, the Organization Department is the core organization for the selection of talents in the Ming Dynasty, and the personnel rights are in fact managed by the Renaissance Society, in order to stabilize the foundation of the revolutionary forces and form an absolute deterrent to the reactionary forces.

This move fundamentally broke the vague boundaries between the imperial court and the Renaissance Society.

Personnel power is a very important power for any organization. Whoever holds the personnel power will greatly consolidate the power of the faction.

The Fuxing Association's control of the personnel power of the Ming Dynasty marked that Su Yonglin officially used the Fuxing Association to strongly intervene in the imperial organization.

This move is of great significance for safeguarding the achievements of the revolution and cannot be ignored.

The promulgation of this decision caused great shock in the DPRK and China, and those in the Organization Department and the Personnel Department who did not know much about the matter were even more astonished.

However, the two biggest parties, Zhou Chong, director of the Organization Department, and Di Liao, the Minister of Personnel, came out together and issued a statement, saying that the Organization Department and the Department of Personnel firmly supported Su Yonglin's reform plan.

Afterwards, they began to officially let loose in the Organization Department and the Personnel Department to reassure people and let officials know that they would not be "graduated", but would have other positions.

Of course, it is impossible to please everyone.

After the reorganization of the Organization Department and the Personnel Department, positions will obviously shrink. For example, Di Liao, the Minister of Personnel, will serve as one of the two deputy directors of the Organization Department.

He still undertakes the original work, mainly in charge of personnel work at the level of court officials, and joins hands with another deputy director, Lei Zizhen, who is mainly responsible for the personnel work of the Renaissance Society.

The Ministry of Personnel, which was originally in a position to go hand in hand with the Organization Department, will lose a number of senior positions, which will inevitably have a certain impact on the original internal ecology, causing some people's dissatisfaction.

Although they will not lose their official status for no reason, some people will indeed lose their positions, in fact, demoted, and become ordinary members of the revival society.

There will be dissatisfaction in their hearts, but this dissatisfaction cannot affect the overall situation of the merger and reorganization of the Organization Department and the Personnel Department, because the interests of most people have been taken into account.

In the face of the tide of reform, a few people cannot face the impact of this tide.

Therefore, according to the judgment of previous political achievements, the outstanding people get high positions, and the mediocre people stay where they are, or downgrade their positions as a warning.

(End of this chapter)