Qiming 1158

Chapter 596 Su Yonglin's Power
To be honest, this reform is nothing to Su Yonglin's old subordinates, it doesn't hurt or itches.

Because they have come from the period when the Liberation Army was in its infancy when there was not enough manpower for one person to serve three people.

One by one is very accustomed to working modes such as [-], and all of them are liver emperors.

Tian Guizi, for example, is in charge of most of the affairs of the Renaissance Society, and also holds the position of the General Affairs Bureau.

There is also Lin Jingchun, who, under the arrangement of Su Yonglin, is solely responsible for the financial affairs of the Liberation Army, and has relieved the tight financial affairs of the Liberation Army many times. The hard work involved is immeasurable.

As for the amount of sweatshop-like labor that other officers put in to train qualified soldiers, it's really nothing special.

But this kind of work arrangement had a big impact on the old bureaucratic gentry.

The treatment of officials in Jin and Song Dynasties is relatively favorable, and this favorable treatment is concentrated in the actual existence of this "redundant official".

It is obvious that one person can do things, but it is necessary to arrange for four or five people to do it.

It seems a waste of money for one person to do things and four people to eat rice, but it is conducive to the rule of the dynasty.

Because these four people who eat white rice are likely to be the losers of political struggles, this system can play a very good supporting role for the losers of political struggles, so that even if they fail in the struggle, they will have no life or life. worry.

This is also the continuation of Zhao Kuangyin's style of treating scholar-officials kindly.

It is this kind of system that has an excellent effect on winning people's hearts, so although the exploitation and oppression of the people in the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties reached its peak, it still did not affect the rule of the Zhao and Song royal families. Their real crisis always came from outside.

Su Yonglin wants to stop this policy now, stop preferential treatment of literati and doctors, and cut off this style.

This is a signal, a signal that Su Yonglin will govern the country strictly and examine his political achievements seriously, no matter if he is a civil officer or a military officer, the days of lying down and eating rice in the past are gone forever.

In this regard, except for Su Yonglin's Yuan Cong faction, who is used to a hard life, he has no opinion on this. The leaders of the three main political factions of Yanyun, Shandong and foreign tribes all feel close to each other and feel that the future have a bad day.

The officials and political system of the new dynasty set by Su Yonglin are obviously based on the principle of "clear power and responsibility, political performance first". He has repeatedly emphasized the importance of power and responsibility and officials' performance.

And for the Central Plains, which is in vain, there are obviously a lot of things to do.

If nothing else, the post-war economic recovery, the remediation of the Yellow River, the development of Liaodong, and the three co-existing regimes in the surrounding area should be addressed.

These bureaucrats can even imagine their hellish working lives in the future.

So far, Su Yonglin has clarified the basic official system and power planning of the central and local governments, including the addition and cancellation of the content has been clearly determined.

The vassals of the General Administration Bureau also have a general understanding of the future political system of the country.

I won't talk about the military, and they don't have anything to do with them, they can't reach in at all,

The main power department of the central government is the Shangshu Province. According to the old customs, the chiefs of the Shangshu Province are the same prime ministers. However, the Shangshu Province in the new dynasty only has the administrative power. Each department is completely independent from the administrative department.

Including the central government, even the local judicial power will be deprived of the chief executive and become independent, becoming an important restraining force on the executive power.

At the same time, the old and new system of preferential treatment of officials in the previous dynasty was eliminated across the board. Su Yonglin did not set up idle positions, and a large number of idle official positions disappeared, and may be replaced by an unprecedented number of legal personnel.

One more thing, very important.

The Ministry of Personnel was picked out separately, and it was stipulated that it was directly under the emperor and was directly responsible to the emperor, not to the Shangshu Province.

In short, Shangshu Province had no personnel power, and the personnel power was stripped away and controlled by the emperor himself.

Just as idle official positions were cut across the board, this is not good news, at least the old bureaucrats and old gentry who joined the Restoration Army felt that this was not good news.

Although it was almost the same in the General Affairs Bureau, and the personnel power was in Su Yonglin's own hands, but it was beyond his expectations that it was written into the official system of the new country.

This means that in the future, the officials will be under the direct control of the emperor, which is upright and open, and does not require any dark-box operations.

On the contrary, if someone wants to replace the emperor to hold this power, they need to operate in the dark and carry a heavy political burden.

Many people originally thought that Su Yonglin would not be so reckless in taking power, at least he would pretend to express his attitude.

But now it seems that this is not the case, Su Yonglin's attitude is to take power.

In the traditional sense, the personnel authority belongs to the Ministry of Personnel, which is controlled by the highest administrative agency, not directly under the emperor. For example, Emperor Ming of Tang even said that he only cares about major military affairs, and that he does not need to be notified of trivial matters such as the appointment and removal of officials. He does not care.

But in Su Yonglin's view, personnel rights don't care, what else can he care about?
The appointment and dismissal of small officials may seem trivial, but they are the people at the bottom who do things. If they have a small problem, the dynasty will have a big problem.

From this arrangement, many people can see that Su Yonglin has a strong desire for power, and when he is an emperor, he must be a typical strong emperor. .

However, they cannot resist.

Su Yonglin's power does not come from their support, but from his military prestige and the army he controls, and from his own military talent.

It was he who led the Restoration Army to swept the Central Plains, and he was the one who destroyed the Jin Kingdom, seized the Jin Kingdom's territory and population, and replaced it, and there was no other force to help him.

The Restoration Army is a terrifying military force that is unmatched in the Central Plains, and as the leader of this military force, Su Yonglin has the power to design and distribute the national system.

Others can participate, but cannot make decisions for him.

Is this what a powerful founding emperor stands for?

This inexplicable feeling of weakness in the face of the emperor's power and powerlessness, this inexplicable feeling of guilt, is really uncomfortable for the bureaucrats.

It is not an easy and pleasant thing to do official affairs under the command of such an emperor.

Can the bureaucrats who are used to living a happy and relaxed life in the Jin and Song countries bear the burden of the [New Dynasty Elegant Politics]?

Nobody knows.

But for the main leaders of these factions, as long as the entire situation can be kept under control, and Su Yonglin is willing to establish a country and proclaim himself an emperor to meet their interests, it is enough for the time being.

Su Yonglin proclaimed the emperor to establish a new dynasty and to ensure their interests was the most important thing to them.

On top of this, some other rights and interests can be discussed later, and the main thing is to satisfy this core demand.

Therefore, this strategy for building the country basically did not encounter any decent objections, and even if there was, it was solved internally by them.

According to Su Yonglin's thoughts, this is actually the case.

These people can make some compromises and concessions in order to promote his founding and proclaiming the emperor as soon as possible, including his swindling of power. As long as he is willing to be the emperor, then other issues can be discussed.

It is nothing more than that an emperor has great power, but an emperor has little power, and after all, can the emperor govern the country alone without them?

Since they are all so decent and sensible, of course Su Yonglin will not be stingy about not giving them positions and powers.

The essence of imperial power politics is the distribution and checks and balances of power. The emperor cannot do everything alone. He needs to work with his subjects to govern a country. It is also an inevitable option to distribute power to them.

Of course, when the power is given to them, how they will use it, and whether they obey the law or not, it all depends on the individual and the emperor's ability to operate.

It was also the first time that Su Yonglin became an emperor. He was not very sure about many things, so he could only rely on his own intuition to assign different political factions to different positions, so that they could check and balance each other.

However, while checks and balances, we must not pay too much attention to checks and balances and forget the importance of efficiency. The government is set up to handle affairs, not for infighting. If the loss of infighting is greater than the efficiency of doing things, this system can be regarded as a failure.

It is like the unprecedented cumbersome system designed by the Song government.

Therefore, after determining the basic system, Su Yonglin began to distribute power.

(End of this chapter)