Great Power Reclamation

Chapter 2942 The storm is coming
The Somali alliance has stood firm against the relentless multi-pronged attack from the United States. Although it is battered and bruised, its core structure remains intact, which is a huge victory in itself.

However, this contest is far from over; it has merely shifted from an open and direct conflict to a more complex strategic stalemate that tests endurance and wisdom.

Just as Ye Rou, Ye Mei, and Yang San were struggling on the front lines in Africa, a deeper and more powerful force began to quietly mobilize across the global chessboard.

The source of this force did not come directly from the military reclamation city or the soldiers' group in the foreground, but from Ye Feng—the true mastermind who always remained hidden behind the scenes, seemingly inactive.

The Future Progressive Party, which he founded and runs, and its close network of allies have long since penetrated the capillaries of the global financial, technological, energy, and media sectors.

Ye Feng knew that engaging in purely geopolitical confrontation with a hegemon like the United States was a poor strategy. He needed to start from within the system and use the very rules upon which the United States depended for survival to counter the United States itself.

He did not personally intervene, nor did he even contact his sisters in Africa directly. All instructions were issued through the Future Progressive Party's highly encrypted internal channels and its core think tank, the Strategic Foresight Committee.

The core of the instruction can be summed up in just eight words: "Break the deadlock within the system and apply pressure from multiple points."

The United States relies on its dollar hegemony and financial sanctions, while the Future Progressive Party and its allies will launch a counterattack by leveraging global capital's natural pursuit of profit and the complex interconnectedness of financial markets.

First, a group of large hedge funds and investment institutions with close ties to the Future Progressive Party, but with extremely opaque shareholding structures, began to carry out a series of sophisticated operations in the international foreign exchange and bond markets.

They did not directly attack the US dollar—that would have been tantamount to throwing an egg against a rock.

Instead, the focus was placed on several large multinational banks and defense contractors that were most vocal in their opposition to sanctions against the Somali coalition and that closely followed U.S. policy.

By disseminating carefully selected "negative research reports" (which contained information about these companies' potential compliance risks, over-reliance on government contracts, and technological bottlenecks, and were difficult to verify), combined with precise short-selling transactions, the stock prices of these companies experienced violent fluctuations in a short period of time.

While it won't cripple them, it's enough to make their boards of directors feel the pinch and start internal reflection.

Is it worthwhile to bear unnecessary market risks and shareholder pressure in order to fully cooperate with the government's overseas strategy, which is unlikely to achieve complete success in the short term?

Meanwhile, several European and Asian financial institutions with close ties to the Future Progressive Party began to "quietly" provide limited, non-US dollar settlement channels for trade with the Somali alliance under the guise of "humanitarian" or "trade in basic goods."

These channels bypassed SWIFT, utilizing regional clearing systems and even blockchain technology. Though small in scale, they were like tiny vents carved into an impenetrable wall of sanctions, allowing the Somali alliance to breathe and maintain the crucial supply of materials.

The Somali-Malaysian Economic Union and surrounding areas contain key mineral resources (such as cobalt, tantalum, and rare earth elements) needed by certain strategic industries of the United States.

Global Resources Partners, one of the world’s major mineral traders under the influence of the Future Progressive Party, suddenly announced that it would suspend the supply of certain grades of rare minerals to several high-end manufacturing giants in the United States due to “force majeure on mining infrastructure” and “logistics route adjustments”.

This move immediately caused ripples in the relevant industry chain.

While the United States can respond by utilizing strategic reserves or seeking alternative sources, short-term cost increases and production disruptions are inevitable.

What's more subtle is that the trading company's reasons were so plausible that it was difficult for the US government to directly accuse it of political motives, leaving it with no choice but to suffer in silence.

At the same time, new energy companies controlled by the Future Progress Party's allies have increased their investment and technical support for clean energy projects such as solar and wind power in East Africa, helping the Somali Union reduce its dependence on traditional energy imports and enhance its economic resilience.

These projects are packaged as ordinary business investments and green development collaborations, making it difficult for the United States to block them on political grounds.

The Future Progressive Party's media foundation and partner think tanks launched a global media offensive. They moved beyond simply defending the Somali Alliance, elevating the issue to a higher level:
• "Diversification of global economic governance": Numerous analytical reports and commentaries point out that the US dollar's single hegemonic system is no longer suitable for the development needs of a multipolar world.

The exploration of regional settlement mechanisms such as EASU is a historical inevitability, and the United States' overreaction exposes its lack of confidence and selfish nature in maintaining its hegemony.

• "Sanctions Abuse and Global Supply Chain Security": Through detailed data and case studies, this article reveals how U.S. extraterritorial jurisdiction and financial sanctions undermine the stability of global supply chains, harm the interests of companies in various countries, including U.S. allies, and raise widespread concerns in the international business community.

• “A New Choice for Africa’s Rise”: The campaign cleverly promoted the achievements of the Somali Alliance in infrastructure development, public health, and education (avoiding sensitive political propaganda), portraying it as a new hope for Africa’s independent development, which attracted the favor of many local African intellectuals and the middle class.

These propaganda offensives are no longer limited to Africa or Asia, but have directly penetrated mainstream European and American media and academic circles.

The voices of influential local scholars, former politicians, and columnists have generated considerable momentum, to some extent restraining the space for further escalation of sanctions within the United States.

The Future Progressive Party is leveraging its global political and business network to actively lobby key U.S. allies, particularly European countries.

The core argument of the lobbying is that excessively following the US sanctions against the Somali alliance will only hand over the African market to other competitors (implying Russia and China).

Moreover, it will not help solve the fundamental problems of African development; on the contrary, it may create greater turmoil and refugee crisis, ultimately harming Europe itself.

On some key issues, such as climate change and public health, global cooperation is needed.

The NGOs and expert groups influenced by the Future Progressive Party actively cooperate with governments of various countries, cleverly linking cooperation with the "flexibility" of their policies toward Africa, thus subtly securing some international space for the Somali Alliance.

While the multi-front campaign launched by the Future Progressive Party and its allies within the system has not been able to force the United States to lift all sanctions against the Somali alliance, it has significantly increased the cost and internal and external pressures on the United States in maintaining sanctions.

Divides began to emerge within the U.S. government. Some pragmatic officials believed that the "maximum pressure" strategy against the Somali alliance had failed to achieve the desired results, instead plunging the U.S. into a war of attrition and causing it to lose face in terms of international morality and commercial interests.

After a series of behind-the-scenes negotiations and intense bargaining, the US government ultimately made some reluctant compromises:
1. Humanitarian exemption: This tacitly allows some trade involving food, medicine, and humanitarian supplies to be conducted through non-dollar channels to avoid causing large-scale humanitarian disasters and incurring international condemnation.

2. Project-specific exemptions: Limited sanctions exemptions were granted to some infrastructure projects within the Somali Union that have significant benefits to people's livelihoods and involve third parties (such as UN agencies or companies from neutral countries).

3. Lowering the tone: Official attacks on the Somali Alliance and EASU have become less frequent and high-profile, and the intensity of the media attacks has decreased.

These compromises may seem small, but they are undoubtedly a lifeline for the Somali Union, which is struggling in a difficult situation.

This means that the most dangerous phase of the lockdown is over, and the alliance has gained a valuable respite and a window of opportunity for development.

After weathering the storm of US sanctions, the Somali alliance gained widespread recognition.

Many countries in East Africa and even the entire African continent, suffering from economic dependence and underdeveloped infrastructure, have looked on with admiration and longing to see that the Somali Union has not only not collapsed under the pressure of powerful forces, but has also taken solid steps on the path of independent development.

Although EASU has failed to go international, its usage rate has increased significantly within the alliance and in trade with neighboring countries, and its reputation has gradually been established.

The security guarantees, infrastructure connectivity, and relatively fair resource cooperation and development model offered by the alliance have generated strong appeal.

In a short time, countries applied to join or seek to deepen cooperation with the Somali Alliance.

The alliance's territory and economic influence expanded rapidly, making it the undisputed hegemon of East Africa.

With her wisdom, resilience, and affability, Ye Rou is regarded as a reliable partner by many leaders in the region. The financial and development system built by Ye Mei demonstrates vitality.

The military forces led by Yang San provided a solid backing.

However, rise inevitably brings new contradictions. The rapid expansion of the Somali-led coalition has seriously touched a nerve with a traditional power in the region—Tajikistan.

Tajikistan is located on the East African coast. It has a long history and its economy was once among the leading economies in the region. It has Mombasa, the most modern port in East Africa, and relatively developed agriculture and service industries.

Tajikistan has always regarded itself as the natural leader and gateway to East Africa.

The rise of the Somali Union, especially its vigorous development of infrastructure such as the ports of Berbera and Kismayo, has directly challenged the Republic of Tajikistan's position as a logistics hub on the Indian Ocean coast.

What the ruling elite of the Republic of Tajikistan found even more intolerable was that the development model and political cohesion of the Somali Union attracted many landlocked countries that were originally within Tajikistan's sphere of influence.

For example, some forces in Uzbekistan and Rwanda have begun to align themselves with the Somali alliance, which directly impacts Tajikistan's geopolitical interests and economic gains.

Relations between the two countries deteriorated rapidly, escalating from economic competition to political accusations and then to border clashes.

The Republic of Tajikistan has strengthened its military cooperation with the United States, introduced advanced weapons and equipment, and frequently conducted military exercises in border areas, with its aim directly targeting the Somali alliance.

Along the border, patrols of soldiers from both sides frequently encountered each other, creating a tense atmosphere and a high risk of small-scale clashes.

At the northern border post where the Somali Union borders the Republic of Tajikistan, the atmosphere is far less tense than during high-level decision-making. Here, in an arid, semi-desert region, the sun blazes down.

At the outpost, Haji, a veteran from the Solomon Islands, and Lewa, a new recruit from Marseille, were on guard duty.

Haji was a strong, dark-skinned man who had participated in the unification wars and was very experienced.

Leiva, a tall, thin Marseille lad, was both excited and nervous about his first time on the front lines.

"Hey, Leva, stop staring at the binoculars. The Tajik's turtle shell (referring to the bunker) isn't going to come to you by itself."

Haji chewed on a local stimulating leaf and said lazily.

"Squad Leader Haji, what if they suddenly rush over?"

Leva gripped his rifle tightly, his eyes still fixed on the Tajik outpost that was faintly visible on the opposite hilltop.

"Charge over here? What for? There isn't even a decent tree in this godforsaken place. Are you trying to steal the sand?"

Haji chuckled. "Their brothers over there are probably just as bored as we are, counting ants. Unless those big shots up there have lost their minds, who would want to actually fight in this godforsaken place?"

Leiva relaxed a little and asked curiously, "Class monitor, you tell me, our alliance is so powerful now, why is Tajikistan still making trouble for us?"

Haji spat out the leaf fragments and sighed, "Why? Because they're taking our food! They used to make most of the money on this route (referring to the trade route), but now that we've built the road and opened the port, we're making the money. Do you think they're happy about that?"

"It's like a tribe taking over a pasture. It used to be their territory, but now that we've grown stronger, we want a share, so of course they're not happy about it."

As they were talking, a buzzing sound came from the sky. A small drone flew in from the direction of Tajikistan and hovered along the border.

"Damn it, spying again!" Leiva raised his gun.

"Don't waste bullets!" Haji stopped him, pulled a slingshot from his pocket, and picked up a small pebble. "Watch this!"

He squinted and aimed, and with a "whoosh," the pebble flew out, hitting the drone's rotor precisely! The drone wobbled a few times and crashed erratically on the other side of the border.

"Hahaha! Squad leader, you're awesome!" Leiva shouted admiringly.

A burst of angry shouts and curses came from the opposite outpost.

Haji clapped his hands triumphantly: "You little punks, back when I was using a slingshot to hunt birds, you guys were still playing in the mud! Remember, kid, sometimes old methods work better than new ones!"

This somewhat humorous confrontation between rank-and-file soldiers reflects the tension at the border, but also reveals a peculiar "tacit understanding"—unless they receive a death order, no one is willing to fire the first shot easily.

However, the power struggle at the top cannot be resolved by mere jokes among soldiers. The Tajik Republic's military provocations are becoming increasingly frequent, and intelligence even suggests they may be planning a limited border offensive to salvage their declining influence. The situation has reached a dangerous juncture.

The Prime Minister's Residence in the capital of Somalia. Yang San stared at the sand table, his expression grave.

Although he was not afraid of war, he knew that once a full-scale war broke out with the Republic of Tajikistan, a regional military power, regardless of victory or defeat, the achievements of the Somali Union over the years could be destroyed, and it could also give external forces (especially the United States) a new excuse to intervene.

"Ye Rou, Ye Mei, the situation is not good. Tajikistan is determined to fight us this time. The deterrent effect of the frontline troops alone may not be enough," Yang San said in a deep voice.

Ye Rou frowned slightly: "We cannot get into a full-blown conflict, that would play right into some people's hands. But retreating is not an option either, we cannot lose the prestige of the alliance."

Ye Mei added, "Economically, we are not afraid of sanctions, but the cost of war is another matter. We must find a way to curb Tajikistan's adventurous impulses."

Just then, Ye Rou's encrypted communicator rang; it was a direct call from the Military Reclamation City.

The faces of the two elderly gentlemen, Ye Yuze and Yang Geyong, appeared on the screen. Although they were advanced in years, their eyes were still as sharp as eagles.

"Xiaorou, Xiaosan, we know about the situation in Africa."

Ye Yuze cut to the chase, “The problem in the Republic of Tajikistan is not a simple border conflict; it involves a reshuffling of the entire East African landscape. You young people handled it very well, but this time, the opponent is different, and there may be more complex forces behind it.”

Yang Geyong continued, "We two old folks have discussed it and are preparing to make a trip to Africa. There are some things that are more convenient for us old folks to do than for you. It's time to go and see the land you've built."

Ye Rou and Yang San exchanged a glance, their hearts filled with both gratitude and apprehension. The fact that their two pillars of strength, their fathers, had personally intervened meant that the situation had indeed reached a critical juncture.

Their arrival was not only to discuss countermeasures, but also to demonstrate the determination and strength of the military reclamation city system to the Republic of Tajikistan and the forces behind it.

(End of this chapter)