Great Power Reclamation

The Tajik government attempted to organize a counterattack, but internal conflicts intensified and the army's morale was low, making it unable to withstand the fierce offensive of the Somali alliance.

Over time, more and more Tajik territory has been incorporated into the Somali Union.

The Somali Union quickly established a temporary administration in this new territory, set about improving local infrastructure and raising the standard of living, so that the people of Tajikistan could truly feel the changes brought about by the Somali Union.

However, the Somali alliance's actions have drawn widespread attention from the international community.

The United States and other Western countries are extremely dissatisfied with the expansion of the Somali Union and are attempting to impose sanctions on it through international organizations such as the United Nations.

However, they were also wary of Ye Feng's circle, as it was a force to be reckoned with. If they started their operation, Ye Feng and his group would naturally retaliate.

Moreover, this counterattack is likely to target individuals, and when faced with the choice between personal interests and national interests, more people have chosen the former.

After all, they are a capitalist country, and everything is based on their own interests.

The Somali Alliance seized this opportunity, and Ye Mei used the alliance's abundant resources and flexible diplomatic skills to establish close cooperative relationships with some neutral countries, thereby gaining some support for the Somali Alliance in international public opinion.

Domestically, Ye Rou actively organized the people of the alliance to carry out production and construction, further consolidating the alliance's economic foundation.

She encouraged the public to participate in the development of the newly occupied territories and contribute to the growth of the alliance.

At the same time, we will strengthen military development and enhance the combat effectiveness of the armed forces in order to cope with possible military threats from the outside.

Yang San led his troops to deploy defenses in the newly occupied border areas to prevent a counterattack from the remaining forces of Tajikistan.

He knew that although a major victory had been achieved, the war was not truly over, and many challenges awaited the Somali alliance in the future.

In this rapidly changing situation, the Somali Alliance, with its decisive decisions, strong military power, and flexible diplomatic strategies, is writing its own chapter of hegemony on the land of East Africa.

And all of this is just the beginning. How the Somali Alliance will respond to various challenges from home and abroad and continue to consolidate and expand its sphere of influence has become the focus of attention throughout East Africa and even the world.

This short but intense military operation had far exceeded expectations.

It not only destroyed the military advantage that Tajikistan had built up at great expense, but also shattered the strong image that the Tajik authorities had barely maintained in the hearts of the people.

An airport engulfed in flames, warships sunk in the harbor, a paralyzed command system...

These images circulated in Tajikistan through clandestine channels, causing a massive psychological upheaval.

Small-scale demonstrations have begun in Tajikistan's capital and some major cities, with citizens questioning the government.

"Where did our money go? Why are the weapons we bought so easily defeated?"

"We don't want war, we want bread and jobs!"

Long-accumulated contradictions—the widening gap between the rich and the poor, rampant corruption, and the devastation of people's livelihoods—were ignited at this moment.

The Tajik government attempted to suppress the protests and accused the Somali alliance of being "aggressors," but once the information barrier was breached, the official propaganda proved weak and ineffective.

The leadership of the Somali alliance knew that military victory was only the opening, and true conquest lay in winning hearts and minds.

Under Ye Rou's personal supervision, a meticulously planned and multi-pronged "people's heart project" was quickly launched, targeting the grassroots people of Tajikistan and the wavering local forces.

After receiving Ye Yuze's approval, Yang Da's "border civilian mutual assistance" plan quickly escalated from a tentative small action into a systematic strategic operation.

The alliance was no longer limited to small-scale bartering among soldiers, but was led by Yang Da to form a professional "Border Trade and Assistance Group".

The group, posing as neutral merchants, established several fixed exchange points for supplies in the "grey area" along the border between the two sides.

Food, medicine, cheap clothing, stationery, solar lights, and other necessities from the Somali Union are flooding into the border villages and towns on the Tajik side.

These supplies are undoubtedly a godsend for the Tajik border residents who have been under long-term blockade and living in poverty.

The cost of the exchange is extremely low, often requiring only some local specialties, or even just "information".

Grassroots soldiers like Haji and Leiva, after simple training, became the first batch of "propagandists".

They no longer just exchange coffee beans, but chat with Tajik soldiers and border residents, telling them about life in the Somali Union-controlled area.

Children have access to education, villagers have access to clean electricity and water, and there are clinics available for medical treatment when they are sick...

These simple, unadorned descriptions are more powerful than any brochure.

Meanwhile, the alliance dispatched a skilled medical team to conduct free clinics in the border region of Tajikistan under the guise of "international volunteers."

The medicines were provided by the Alliance, and the treatment was free. Many Tajik people had never seen a proper doctor in their lives. The arrival of the Alliance doctors in Somalia not only cured their physical ailments but also planted seeds of goodwill in their hearts.

Ye Mei's EASU (East African Stability Unit) information department is operating at full capacity.

Taking advantage of the downtime in Tajikistan's official media channels, they used portable radios, secretly distributed leaflets, and online information streams that were difficult to completely block to transmit information into the heart of Tajikistan.

The broadcast content was carefully designed: it included both exposing the corruption and incompetence of the Tajik government (evidence came from intelligence obtained by Yang Da from border transactions and the intelligence network that Ye Rou had already set up), and positive publicity for the Somali alliance policy.

The alliance's core concept of "shared development" is highlighted:
"We are not here to conquer, we are here to develop together."

The propaganda makes extensive use of local Tajik languages ​​and tells real stories of how ordinary people's lives have improved under the Union's governance, making it very approachable.

Ye Mei also cleverly exploited the ethnic and tribal conflicts within Tajikistan.

The ruling party in Tajikistan primarily represents the interests of ethnic minorities and oppresses the majority.

The alliance's propaganda is specifically geared towards these oppressed ethnic groups, promising equality for all ethnic groups, respect for cultural traditions, and equal economic opportunities within the alliance's framework.

Ye Rou adopted a strategy that combined "co-opting" and "deterrence" towards influential tribal elders and local strongmen in the border regions of Tajikistan.

Through Yang Da's business network, the alliance offered these forces economic benefits, such as priority trade rights and cooperation on development projects, in exchange for their neutrality or even support.

At the same time, Yang San's army was deployed on the border, clearly conveying a message: those who obey him will prosper, and those who oppose him will perish.

More importantly, the alliance transformed several Tajik border towns that had first surrendered voluntarily or been occupied involuntarily into "model projects." Alliance engineering teams quickly moved in to repair roads, install power grids, and build schools and clinics.

The alliance's administrators efficiently organized production, distributed farm tools and seeds, and restored market order.

In just a few months, these towns have undergone tremendous changes, standing in stark contrast to the lifeless landscape of the rest of Tajikistan.

These changes spread rapidly among Tajik people visiting relatives and friends, gradually establishing the impression that "life is better under the Somali Alliance."

More and more village elders in the border areas of Tajikistan are beginning to secretly contact the alliance and express their willingness to submit.

What they value is not empty political slogans, but real opportunities for survival and development.

The absolute military superiority and the gradual allegiance of the people have caused large swathes of Tajikistan's territory to "change color" at an alarming speed.

It is no longer a fierce armed conflict, but more like a collapse in the form of "peaceful evolution".

The Somali alliance's rapid expansion has brought a series of new and more complex challenges.

The core question now faces Ye Rou, Ye Mei, and Yang San: What kind of country are we going to build?
Late one night, on the seaside terrace of the palace, the sisters Ye Rou and Ye Mei had a rare moment of quiet solitude. Gazing at the shimmering Indian Ocean under the moonlight, they began a crucial conversation that would determine the future of the alliance.

"Sister," Ye Mei spoke first, her tone tinged with weariness, but mostly with excitement:

"Our expansion has exceeded our initial expectations. The territories we have now incorporated are far more complex in terms of ethnicity, religion, and culture than we originally had."

“Continuing to manage using such a relatively loose ‘alliance’ structure will likely prove ineffective. How can we unify government orders? How can laws be enforced? How can resources be allocated efficiently?”

Ye Rou gently stirred the flower tea in her cup, her gaze deep: "Yes, I'm also thinking about this question."

"The name 'United States of Somalia' carries strong regional and ethnic connotations, which may lack a sense of identity and belonging for newly joined, non-Somali regions and people. We need a more inclusive form of government and name."

"You mean...to establish a republic?"

Ye Mei's eyes lit up. Having long been in charge of economics and finance, she deeply understood the importance of a stable, centralized modern national political system for economic development, monetary credit, and international relations.

For EASU to become a true regional hard currency, it must be backed by strong sovereign credit.

"This is an option, and it may be the most suitable one."

Ye Rou nodded. “'Republic' means that national power belongs to all citizens, not to a particular family or tribe. This can unite the newly joined ethnic groups to the greatest extent. We can name it 'East African Republic' or something similar to show that our ambitions are not limited to one place.”

But Ye Rou changed the subject, revealing a thoughtful expression:

"However, the difficulties are immense. First, can we reach a consensus internally? Yang San and the military he represents may prefer a strong, centralized rule, even one with military control characteristics, which is highly efficient. We need to consider how to balance the forces of all parties."

“More importantly, it’s about the external reaction,” Ye Mei continued. “If we publicly announce the establishment of a republic, it would be tantamount to declaring to the entire East Africa and even Africa that we want to establish a regional power.”

"This will put all neighboring countries, and even the African Union and the United Nations, on high alert. The United States will seize this opportunity to label us as 'aggressors and expanders' and impose even harsher sanctions and international isolation."

Ye Rou gave her younger sister an approving look: "Xiao Mei, you've thought this through very well. So, we can't rush things. Perhaps we can take it step by step."

"The first step is to strengthen the central power of the existing alliance and establish a more authoritative 'Central Executive Committee,' which will include you, me, Yang San, and some representatives from the new territories, as the highest authority during the transition period."

“The second step,” Ye Rou continued, outlining her blueprint, “is to implement our legal and administrative system in the newly stabilized territory, but with a certain degree of autonomy. For example, in culture, education, and some local affairs, local councils will be allowed to make their own decisions.”

"However, core powers such as defense, diplomacy, monetary policy, and the construction of major infrastructure must be firmly held by the central government. This is the prototype of 'one country, multiple systems' or 'federal system'."

"Retaining autonomy is to reduce resistance to the merger and stabilize public sentiment. Meanwhile, centralizing core power is to ensure the country's cohesion and ability to act."

Ye Mei quickly understood her sister's intention. "This is indeed a safe approach. We can explore this approach in practice first, and then announce the establishment of the new country when the time is right."

“There’s one more thing,” Ye Rou lowered her voice even further, “Should we actively try to get more countries to join us?”

"For example, those small countries that have long been oppressed by Tajikistan or that share common development aspirations with us."

If the East African Republic can become a regional cooperation platform, rather than just an expanded version of the Somali Union, our foundation will be more solid, and international opposition will become more complex due to the increased number of participants.

Ye Mei pondered for a moment, then shook her head: "Sister, this idea is very appealing, but it may be too early to think about it now."

“We need time to digest Tajikistan’s legacy. The current focus is on ‘strengthening our internal capabilities,’ governing our existing territory well, and building it into a model of prosperity and stability.”

“When our model demonstrates sufficient appeal, other countries will naturally gravitate towards it. At that point, we will be the ‘invited’ leader, not the ‘actively expanding’ aggressor, and we will be much more proactive in terms of international morality.”

The sisters' late-night conversation provided an initial clarification of the alliance's future political direction.

A gradual roadmap centered on strengthening central authority, allowing limited local autonomy, and ultimately aiming at an inclusive republic.

This idea is both ambitious and pragmatic.

With the strategic direction determined, the highly efficient Somali Alliance machine once again began to operate efficiently.

In the newly occupied Tajik territory, the coalition did not implement simple military control. Instead, it quickly formed a "civil administration team" composed of administrative officials, technicians, and social workers to be stationed there.

The team's primary task was to restore order and protect the people's livelihood. The allied forces were mainly responsible for border security and suppressing small resistance groups, while the security within the city was gradually transferred to a newly formed police force that included reliable local personnel.

Ye Mei's economic team launched the "East Africa Development Bonds," which are issued to all citizens of the Union and residents of the new territories, with the Union's future mineral revenues and tax revenues as collateral.

The funds were specifically allocated to infrastructure reconstruction and industrial support in the new territory. This initiative not only raised much-needed funds but also tied the interests of the new territory's residents to the overall development of the alliance, enhancing their sense of belonging.

At the same time, the Union began to promote EASU as one of the official currencies in the new territories, circulating alongside the existing currencies, and promised to gradually transition to EASU as the sole legal tender.

The shops and markets controlled by the alliance gave priority to accepting EASU, and EASU was used to pay part of the civil servants' salaries and project funds, which quickly improved the acceptance and credibility of EASU.

To foster identification with the new regime, the Union vigorously promoted education in the new territory, implementing bilingual teaching (in the local language and the Union's common language). The teaching materials were reviewed and emphasized the concept that all ethnic groups in East Africa are one family and working together to build a better home.

For former Tajik government officials at the grassroots level, most were retained after review and training, provided they were willing to cooperate. This effectively stabilized the administrative workforce and reduced social unrest. (End of Chapter)