African Entrepreneurship Records 2

Chapter 1737 The Dutch Governor's Concerns

If the French were to face Germany alone, they would almost certainly surrender; if they cooperated with Britain, France might have some confidence, but morale would still collapse if they encountered setbacks on the battlefield; if they joined forces with the Soviet Union, France would still have the possibility of continuing to resist even if it encountered setbacks on the battlefield.

This is why Prime Minister Daladier made the news public, and even went so far as to create intelligence that the Soviet Union would enter the war, in order to boost the morale of his country.

Admittedly, no matter how things change, France will inevitably suffer heavy losses in the end, but as French leaders, they do not want to surrender.

This concerns the face of all of France.

After all, France has been one of the most powerful countries in Europe since modern times, and it can also be said to be one of the most important cores of European civilization. French culture has influenced the whole of Europe.

France's brilliance in history and culture is what it is most proud of. Apart from the dead Rome, no other country in Europe can compare with France.

Therefore, Prime Minister Daladier did not want to bear the stigma of history and become a "sinner" of France.

He told the French high command: "It's only a matter of time before the Soviet Union falls. We must hold out until that moment comes. Therefore, we must keep a close watch on the front lines and not let any mistakes happen, lest the Germans bring the war to our land!"

Hailar, in the Far East.

At this moment, Lieutenant General Michitaro Komatsubara, commander of the 23rd Division, and Major Masanobu Tsuji looked extremely grim. Five days had passed since they had taken the initiative to provoke the war, but the 23rd Division had not only failed to make much progress, but had also suffered heavy losses.

Although they also inflicted heavy blows on the Soviet and Mongolian armies, the Soviet troops deployed in the Far East were clearly not the Soviet elite, since the Soviet Union's most combat-effective forces were currently in Europe guarding against Germany.

Of course, the 23rd Division was not Japan's main force. Even if both sides regarded it as second-rate, the Soviet 57th Special Army was clearly much stronger than the Japanese 23rd Division.

The 57th Special Army had approximately 12,000 men, mainly composed of cavalry and infantry. However, Soviet infantry was clearly different from Japanese infantry, being more motorized and equipped with a large number of vehicles. In addition, the 57th Army also included an understrength 11th Tank Brigade.

The 23rd Division had zero tanks, and its logistics and supplies relied mainly on animal power. Only its 23rd Cavalry Regiment was equipped with a small number of light armored vehicles. Japan's armored vehicles were clearly no match for the Soviet Union.

On the first day of the 23rd Cavalry Regiment's offensive, its armored vehicles were almost entirely destroyed by the Soviets.

At the same time, the firepower of the two sides was vastly different. The Soviet 57th Army was equipped with a large number of artillery pieces, machine guns and other equipment, while the 23rd Division's firepower was only equivalent to that of a reinforced Soviet regiment.

If it weren't for the relatively poor capabilities of Soviet commanders and rank-and-file soldiers, the 57th Army alone would have been enough to annihilate the 23rd Division.

This is normal, though; never have too high hopes for the Slavs' command abilities.

The only advantage the Japanese had was its air force, but the Japanese air force units that participated in the battle were not directly under the 23rd Division, but were temporarily assigned by the Kwantung Army headquarters.

Komatsubara Michitaro took a deep breath and said to Major Tsuji Masanobu, "Major Tsuji Masanobu, what is your view on the current war situation?"

Major Masanobu Tsuji had long lost his pre-war arrogance and confidence, but he still stubbornly said, "General Komatsubara, a temporary setback means nothing! We have also caused huge losses to the Soviet Union."

"The Soviet Union's firepower and mechanization were indeed beyond our imagination. However, despite this disadvantage, the Imperial soldiers still fought the Soviet army with their tenacious fighting spirit and inflicted heavy casualties on the Soviet army."

"This shows that we did nothing wrong. At the moment, the two sides can only be considered to have fought to a draw, with each side winning and losing."

"Next, we should muster 100% courage to confront the Soviet army. As long as the imperial warriors show fearlessness, I think the Soviet army will definitely have a mental breakdown when it reaches a critical point."

As a gambler, Major Masanobu Tsuji was now blinded by greed and ready to go all in. His idea was also agreed upon by Lieutenant General Michitaro Komatsubara, because he also had no way out.

Lieutenant General Michitaro Komatsubara said, "In that case, let's commit all our forces. I don't believe the Soviets can hold out!"

1939 5 Month 16 Day.

The Japanese Kwantung Army's 23rd Division officially launched a decisive battle against the Soviet 59th Army. Before the decisive battle, Tsuji Masanobu sent a telegram to the Kwantung Army Headquarters.

The telegram stated: "...The Imperial army has a complete advantage, and the Soviet Union has suffered heavy losses. The 23rd Division headquarters has now decided to expand its advantage and engage in a decisive battle with the Soviet troops at the front. It hopes that the headquarters will send reinforcements to further expand the gains..."

Major Masanobu Tsuji's report indeed led Kwantung Army Commander Kenkichi Ueda to misjudge the situation. Although he had personally visited Hailar to inspect the 23rd Division and boost morale, he left the next day and was unaware of the subsequent combat operations of the 23rd Division.

The 23rd Division also tended to "report good news and not bad news," and now Major Tsuji Masanobu's words, acting as an "imperial envoy," further convinced Ueda Kenkichi and other high-ranking officers of the Kwantung Army that it was true.

Therefore, the Kwantung Army Headquarters made an emergency decision to allocate more troops to support the Nomonhan battlefield, in order to expand the Japanese army's "advantage" and gains.

Meanwhile, Soviet reinforcements were also arriving in the Nomonhan region along the railway, and a larger-scale battle was about to break out between the two sides in Nomonhan.

Regardless of the aftermath of the Nomonhan Incident, the Japanese navy had already assembled and was preparing to take action against the East Indies.

Of course, not only the navy but also the Japanese army had to participate in the island landing operation. For this purpose, the army mobilized two divisions and a mixed brigade to go south.

The 2nd Division was responsible for attacking Java, the 48th Division for Sumatra, and the 56th Mixed Brigade was responsible for the other islands in the East Indies.

The navy deployed its 2nd and 3rd fleets to attack the Dutch East Indies navy.

1939 5 Month 14 Day.

Batavia, the capital of the East Indies colony, which would later become Jakarta, was filled with a somber and somewhat bewildered atmosphere at this time.

They were not worried about their own safety, but rather about the possibility of their homeland being invaded by Germany.

Clearly, the German attack on the Dutch mainland created great uncertainty for the Dutch East Indies government, which was now considering how to cope if the mainland were occupied by Germany!
At this time, the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies was Stafren. In his office at the Governor-General's Palace, he sighed and said, "Our homeland is currently under attack by Germany. German airborne troops have even taken control of some towns on the mainland. The situation on the front lines is extremely worrying."

“If our homeland is occupied by Germany, our East Indies colonies will lose command. Hertas, what do you think we should do?” Hertas, Stafren’s advisor, shook his head and said, “Anyway, I don’t think our homeland is a good match. The gap in strength between us and Germany is too great, and the Netherlands has a shallow territory. If the German army puts in a little effort, they can easily break through it.”

"In other words, the probability of the homeland falling to the enemy is close to 100%. At that time, Germany will inevitably support a puppet government on its own soil, and there may also be an exiled government overseas."

"The dilemma we face now is whether to accept the puppet government's arrangements or continue to obey the command of the government-in-exile."

Governor Stafren said, "This is also what I am worried about. Logically speaking, we should continue to follow the current government's orders, but the Axis powers have a great advantage. If the new government supported by Germany gains power and we do not serve it in time, we may be purged."

"But in Southeast Asia, it would obviously be disadvantageous for us to side with the Axis powers, since the Germans' influence doesn't extend here, and the British and French are still the more powerful forces in Southeast Asia."

"If we suddenly side with Germany, we will probably be attacked by a joint force of Britain and France, so there is no need to consider the opinions of our own people."

Stafren and Hertas were not optimistic about the Netherlands' home turf. It was already foreseeable that the home turf would be difficult to resist a German attack, given that the Netherlands was already under-mobilized and its coordination with Britain and France was not as good as that with Belgium.

Belgium mobilized a large enough army to cause considerable trouble for Germany, and after the outbreak of war, the Anglo-French forces quickly entered Belgium to assist in resisting the German invasion.

In fact, Britain and France certainly wanted to intervene in the defense of the Netherlands, but the Netherlands' previous "neutrality" prevented the two countries from establishing landing points there.

Before the outbreak of war, the British expeditionary force was mostly concentrated in the French border area near Belgium, so even if Britain and France wanted to support the Netherlands after it was attacked by Germany, there was not enough time.

Unless the Netherlands could withstand German pressure, but the Netherlands was ill-prepared for war and simply could not do so.

Therefore, the Dutch East Indies colonial government had concluded that the fall of the Netherlands was only a matter of time.

Hertas said, "Surrendering to the Axis powers is definitely not an option. After all, Britain and France are powerful in Southeast Asia, not to mention that Britain also has an advantage in the Indian Ocean. If we side with Germany, Britain could cut off our connection with the Indian Ocean and our homeland, which would be enough to make things difficult for us."

"As for siding with Britain and France, that's not a good option for us either. If those two countries lose in the competition with Germany, we won't fare any better."

"Since neither of these options is viable, Your Excellency, we now have only one best choice left!"

Governor Stafren, understanding the implication, said, "You mean we should remain neutral?"

Hertas nodded and said, "That makes sense. We can declare that we will maintain the neutrality of the Dutch East Indies and wait for the final outcome of the war between Germany and Britain and France. If Germany wins, we will obey the new government. If Britain and France win, we can maintain the status quo."

After a moment of deep thought, Governor Stafren said, "It seems that this is the only way now."

"I just hope that East Africa won't take advantage of the situation during this time."

From the perspective of the Dutch East Indies colonial government, there has always been only one country that poses the greatest threat to its security: East Africa.

The reason is quite simple: during the decades of Dutch colonization of the East Indies, only East Africa actually extorted a significant amount of territory from the Dutch.

First, there was the Lanfang region. Although it was not a direct Dutch colony at the time, it was implicitly considered to be within the Dutch sphere of influence. East Africa, which was not particularly powerful at the time, seized the Lanfang region by force and turned it into an overseas province of East Africa.

Then there was East Kalimantan, which was also seized by East Africa, causing the Netherlands to completely lose its colony on the island of Kalimantan. However, when East Africa seized Kalimantan, it had already become one of the world's major powers and military powers. Because of its fear of East Africa, the Dutch government could only swallow this loss in silence.

Finally, there were areas such as Belitung Island, which East Africa forced the Netherlands to cede to East Africa, further encroaching on the Dutch East Indies colonies.

These territories and spheres of influence are not merely the extent of East Africa's encroachment on East Indies colonies.

East Africa also frequently interfered in the affairs of the Dutch East Indies. For example, in the economic sphere, East African capital aggressively seized markets and raw material supply locations in the Dutch East Indies.

In response, local interest groups in the Netherlands, including the Dutch East Indies colonial government, could only swallow their anger and dare not speak out.

Of course, this was not the worst thing for the Dutch. What was worse was that East Africa colluded with ethnic and separatist forces in the Dutch East Indies colonies without any scruples.

After all, East Africa's plan for the future of the Dutch East Indies colony was to split up this nascent and massive political bloc.

This is to prevent the emergence of a country in Southeast Asia that could threaten East Africa's hegemony in the region.

Indonesia in its previous life was such a country that East Africa should pay attention to. After all, with a population of over 200 million, abundant resources, and a large area, it was indeed easy for it to be beyond the control of East Africa.

This can be seen from Australia's attitude towards Indonesia in the previous life. Although Indonesia's economy is not very good, with such a large population and resources, it is relatively easy for it to squeeze into the top 20 in the world in terms of total size.

Moreover, Indonesia's location is quite unique. It is situated in a region that is not easily interfered with by major powers. If it maintains its size, it can easily maintain its political independence and may even go further to become a regional power in Southeast Asia.

This is definitely not what East Africa wants to see, so East Africa's plan for the future of the Dutch East Indies is to divide it into multiple countries.

Therefore, East Africa will inevitably cooperate with ethnic minorities and separatist organizations in the Dutch East Indies to sow discord between them and the Javanese, in preparation for the establishment of multiple states after the Dutch withdrawal.

In short, in addition to extorting and seizing land from the Dutch, East Africa also deeply interfered in the economy and politics of the Dutch East Indies. How could these actions not arouse the concern of the Dutch?

In other words, with East Africa becoming a superpower and its hegemony in the Indian Ocean already firmly established, the Dutch had no choice but to tolerate East Africa being gradually "sliced ​​like a salami."

Therefore, when Governor Stafren was facing war on his homeland and unable to attend to the Dutch East Indies, the country he was most worried about was East Africa. It was not impossible that East Africa would take the opportunity to launch a war and incorporate the Dutch East Indies into its colonial system. Moreover, from the Dutch perspective, this possibility was extremely high.

Therefore, he said to Hertas, "Let our people keep a low profile recently, especially when there is conflict with the East Africans. We must choose to be tolerant. We cannot afford the risk of war, and we cannot give the East Africans a pretext for war."

(End of this chapter)