shadow of britain

Chapter 700 Palmerston, Ambassador of World Peace
Palmerston must have prepared for this conversation for a long time, and Arthur even suspected that the British Foreign Secretary was very likely to have sent the intelligence department of the Foreign Office to conduct a background check on him in the past few weeks.

In a parliament filled with talented people, Palmerston was never known for his eloquence.

If one were to ask who among the Whigs was most capable of leading debates in Parliament, winning public opinion, and shaping the agenda, Palmerston would not be the first person that would come to mind.

Most people might think of: Lord Chancellor Brougham, who was called a "verbal volcano" by the Tories for delivering speeches for more than six hours in two consecutive days of parliamentary reform debates with almost no breaks.

And in Fleet Street in 1832, the most quoted quote also came from Lord Brougham.

"If we fail to reform Parliament, then Parliament itself will be reformed by history!"

"You are not blocking a law, but opposing the awakening of an era."

His marathon speeches directly inspired the public to support the reforms, so much so that a saying was even circulated on the streets of London at the time: "God bless the king, God bless Lord Brougham."

Or, some will make no secret of their love for Thomas Macaulay, the “Cicero of the Commons.”

When faced with the parliamentary reform in 1832, the Tory aristocrats objected that "the people do not understand politics and cannot be trusted."

This historian who shaped the early Whig view of history gave a speech in the House of Commons, recounting the heritage of ancient Rome, the Tudor dynasty, and the Glorious Revolution of 1688, and openly declared war on the opposition in the House of Commons: "We do not deny the rights of the people because they are imperfect, just as we will not abolish the royal power because the king also has flaws. A system that denies the voice of the people is not conservative, it is self-destructive."

Or perhaps some people often think of Sir George Canning, Viscount Palmerston's political mentor in his youth.

Canning was known throughout his life for his verbal sparring skills, and he was particularly good at using sarcastic language to mock his political opponents.

When his political opponents attacked him in the House of Commons, Canning did not hesitate to respond: "The way he speaks reminds me of a violin, which has vibrations but no notes."

When the other party criticized him again for "speaking like a poet", Canning mocked him again: "If I am a poet, then you are the rhyme - always appearing at the end, but without any power."

In addition, Arthur's old boss, the father of the London police, Sir Robert Peel, nicknamed "Slippery Bobby", is also a recognized eloquent man. Even when facing unfavorable situations, he can still flexibly use rational words to help himself out.

That year, due to the critical situation at the time, Peel had to make concessions on the issue of the Catholic Emancipation Act and instead fully support the passage of the bill.

However, even in the face of pressure from Tory hardliners, Sir Peel stood up in Parliament and frankly admitted his change of position: "If someone must be wrong, I want it to be me, not Britain. I am now obliged to do what in my youth would have been a betrayal, and I hereby declare that I have changed my position on Catholic Emancipation, but only because it is necessary to maintain the peace and prosperity of the country."

Palmerston obviously did not have the eloquent speaking ability of these people.

If he was really a guy who could talk about his political views for hours without any preparation, it would be impossible for him to follow George Canning until 1827. It was not until Canning's death in August of that year that he inherited Canning's political legacy together with Huskisson, Dudley and others.

In oratory and personal charm, Palmerston was not even as good as Sir Benjamin Disraeli.

Although Mr. Disraeli, who liked to wear bras and overalls, seemed out of touch with reality, Arthur and other friends who knew Disraeli knew that although Disraeli seemed to be nothing in the Tory Party, in fact a small group with Disraeli as the core had formed around him.

Of course, although Disraeli was extremely charismatic, his passionate speaking style was also quite endearing.

But he certainly can't fool the Tory bigwigs at this stage.

But this still doesn't stop him from fooling young people.

Because the members of "Young England", with Disraeli as the absolute leadership core, are basically the sons of Tory Party bosses.

Palmerston certainly knew that it was unrealistic to convince Arthur simply by talking and debating.

After all, the former police officer standing in front of him was also an extremely eloquent figure. There were even rumors that Sir Peel and the Duke of Wellington had extended an olive branch to Arthur on behalf of the Tory Party.

Although this rumor has never been confirmed, it is so credible that even the constituency list is included.

If the rumors are true, Arthur will most likely represent the Tory Party in the northern constituency, which is dominated by the traditional agricultural estate economy, to compete for one of the two seats in York, or easily win the seat in Richmond.

Of course, considering Arthur's long career in Scotland Yard and his relatively Whig educational background, it is not ruled out that the Tories might send Arthur to battle zones, such as Halifax, a reformist stronghold and Yorkshire textile center, or Sheffield and Leeds, Yorkshire's industrial centers.

In order to make Arthur take care of himself, Palmerston turned to talk to Arthur about the story behind the Catholic Emancipation Act. "Arthur, do you know? In fact, compared with Earl Daramore and Lord Brougham, our personalities and temperaments are more similar. We are both full of infinite enthusiasm for the work at hand, and prefer to do things down to earth rather than talk. However, it is because of our personalities that the outside world has a lot of misunderstandings about us."

Arthur couldn't understand what was wrong with Palmerston today. First he was sarcastic to him, but now he was trying to make friends with him.

However, if things were not as bad as the Duke of Wellington and Sir Peel described privately, Arthur would not mind playing along with the Foreign Secretary. After all, David Urquhart's "masterstroke" was not in his plan, and he was not ready to turn the table with Palmerston so soon.

Especially considering that there is a possibility that this guy will become prime minister in the future, it would be unwise to let the matter get to the point where it cannot be resolved.

But in light of Palmerston's previous attack, Arthur did not forget to remind him: "Perhaps the outside world does have a misunderstanding of me, but I have nothing to complain about. After all, it was me who ordered the shooting in the Tower of London. However, as Sir Peel said, if someone must make a mistake, then I hope it is me, not Britain. And it is better for the police to intervene than to directly dispatch the army's cavalry."

Palmerston certainly knew what Arthur was talking about, because it was he, the Secretary of State for War, who signed the order agreeing to use the cavalry to suppress the 60,000-person rally in Manchester, which led to the Peterloo Massacre.

However, because the Home Secretary, Viscount Sidmouth, was in front to attract fire for him, many people forgot to figure out how the Home Secretary actually mobilized the cavalry.

Palmerston didn't know whether he really had a clear conscience or just didn't want to talk about the dark history of the past, he just turned the page lightly.

"Arthur, that's not what I'm talking about. Many people don't know why I changed from a Tory to a Whig. Some even question whether I am just a simple traitor. But if you think about it carefully, this matter may even have something to do with you."

"It's about me?" Arthur said calmly, "You may be overly flattering me. I was either studying at university or struggling in the mud in Greenwich. Are you going to say that I sent the devil to confuse your mind?"

"of course not."

Palmerston began: "When the Duke of Wellington became Prime Minister in January 1828, he summoned me for an interview the next day, hoping that I would become a member of his cabinet. However, before I gave His Excellency the Duke a final answer, I made two requests to him. First, I hope that every cabinet member can make suggestions freely in the cabinet or parliament according to his own judgment. In any case, the government must maintain strict neutrality on issues related to Catholicism when any member distributes power and exerts influence. In particular, when giving support to a candidate, there should be no discrimination based on his views on the issue.

Secondly, I hope that both sides can reach a consensus that the positions of the Lieutenant-General and the Chief Secretary of Ireland should be immediately replaced by candidates who are not so hostile to the Catholic issue. Because I think this condition is essential to the peace and tranquility of Ireland. But the Duke is a person who is better at making conditions than accepting constraints. He is reluctant to make specific promises and laughs at this question. He said that the key to the first question is whether he is an honest man, and the key to the second question is whether he is a madman. Since he has governed Ireland himself, he knows very well what kind of bloody storm will be set off in Ireland if a person like the one I described is sent there, so he does not want to do it at all.

I said that on the first point I had no doubts about him or Peel. But I saw that Bathurst was in a high position in the government, and Goulburn was in the Treasury, and I could not regard the consensus as self-evident, as I had seen before. So he replied, "Well, I will submit your name." I said that I seemed to attach more importance to these matters than he did, and that I must take some time to think them over. As I left, the Duke said he would wait for my answer. But well..."

Arthur had wondered what had caused Palmerston to fall out with the Tories, but he had never imagined that it would be over Catholic Emancipation.

Palmerston went on: "Of course, I must admit that Peel was a very good man, and at that time he was very liberal on almost everything except Catholic Emancipation. This included the establishment of Scotland Yard and the repeal of the Bloody Acts. His hesitation on Catholic Emancipation, I can only guess, was mainly due to his previous election promises. His constituency was at Oxford University, and this constituency was unlikely to be relentless on the issue of Catholic Emancipation."

Palmerston walked along, sighing at Arthur's good luck: "Arthur, I must say that you have a good fortune. Without Catholic Emancipation, you would not be where you are today. If our king was still George IV, as a Catholic, you would never have become a knight of the lower order. You must know that when our King William was the Duke of Clarence, he was also a supporter of Catholicism, and for this, he even quarreled with his brothers. You have enjoyed the benefits brought by freedom and progress, and you should correct your attitude instead of deliberately hindering freedom and progress."

Arthur saw that Palmerston's fox tail had finally been exposed, so he stood up and took the opportunity to say, "Your Excellency is right. Of course I know that if there had not been Catholic Emancipation, I might have been a Scotland Yard patrolman with an annual salary of thirty pounds all my life, chasing pickpockets and prostitutes in the London fog until I grew old. But I also know..."

Arthur changed the subject: "It is precisely because this liberation came too late and too hard that countless people who could have become the backbone of Britain have become exiled radicals, street agitators, and even desperadoes in the Caucasus Mountains."

Palmerston narrowed his eyes slightly, noticing Arthur's use of the word "Caucasian".

"So, sir," Arthur said, "what Sir David Urquhart and I did in Circassia was superficially an 'extension of British interests', but more fundamentally, we hoped to sow the seeds of freedom and autonomy there as well. Not simply through violence, not through cavalry charges, but through motivation, organization and enlightenment. This is an order based on experience, not simply the destruction of the old system."

He walked to the desk and brushed his fingers over the map on it. "Of course, if your Excellency is worried about Britain's safety and worried that we will provoke an uncontrollable war, I can understand. But if you really understand freedom, you should understand that freedom is not distributed by the government, it is won by the people, just like Catholic Emancipation and Parliamentary Reform. Of course, I completed the police force's suppression of the rioters under the Tower of London because it was my duty, but I hope you can understand that if there is no constraint of duty, I will stand on their side without hesitation!"

Palmerston's face turned dark when he heard this. Although there were many shameless people in the political arena, he was the only one who could write "recruit me" on his face and say it out loud without any shame.

Palmerston suppressed his anger and explained: "Sir Arthur, I hope you understand that the primary goal of British foreign policy is to ensure world peace. In order to achieve this goal, first of all, we must do our best to avoid new disputes. Secondly, whenever possible, we need to use friendly mediation to quell existing conflicts. Thirdly, when there is no hope, we must reduce the scale of the conflict as much as possible. Finally, when our own interests or honor are not harmed, we ourselves must maintain a calm and neutral position. Out of respect for mediation itself, as long as the intervention is completely peaceful and friendly, we hardly need to say what degree of preparation should be made. But we should not join any camp on either side of the war under any circumstances, nor should we make threats that we have no intention of carrying out."

Arthur's eyebrows twitched as Palmerston said this.

He thought what he had just said was quite shameless, but Palmerston was no less shameless than him.

Both of them are half true and half false. How to understand it specifically depends on the individual.

Arthur shook his head and said, "Seeing your indifference to the Caucasus, I can only choose to believe the reports from Fleet Street. Since you became Foreign Secretary, Britain's moral influence may really have declined."

Palmerston retorted: "I can understand this attack. But I would like to remind you that if this view is true, then why, when I implement the same policy in Belgium, Portugal and Spain, our government can get so much approval and respect from other countries? Why are they willing to let Britain be the authoritative arbitrator of their disputes? This is really surprising! Moreover, if you look carefully, you can find that maritime powers like France and the United States also allow us to mediate their disputes. I think this fact I cited can effectively refute those fallacies. Because these two countries have fought against us and are regarded as our opponents both in peacetime and wartime. But no matter how other opponents evaluate us, at least France and the United States do not seem to believe that our moral influence has dropped to a particularly low level!"

(End of this chapter)