shadow of britain

Chapter 900 It wasn't Hastings who dealt with Lister, but rather the Interior Ministry's idea.
Commissioner for Police of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

Just by looking at the name, one might easily think that this is nothing more than a permanent advisory body under the Ministry of the Interior, like many other subordinate agencies of the Ministry of the Interior, used to support idle people and provide them with free meals, and to engage in exchanges of benefits and political corruption through these meals fed to them.

Of course, I cannot deny that there are indeed a large number of similar cases within the Ministry of the Interior.

However, the Commissioner for Police Affairs is not such an organization.

In fact, among the various committees set up in Whitehall, the Commissioner of Police was second only in importance to the Trade Commission, the Naval Commission, the Ordnance Commission, and the Poor Law Commission.

In the Ministry of Home Affairs' administrative documents, the Commissioner for Police Affairs is described as a permanent advisory body under the Ministry of Home Affairs, overseen by the Minister of Home Affairs, established to coordinate conflicts arising from cross-departmental affairs such as police work, foreign affairs and security, postal transport, and fire prevention.

Although Lord John Russell, the Home Secretary, also serves as the Chairman of the Commissioner for Police Affairs, like most commission chairmen, he is merely a figurehead. Furthermore, given the limited direct control the Home Office has over police affairs following the Cold Baths incident, and the fact that the Secretary cannot handle the details of police affairs daily, everyone knows that the real power here is now that of the Secretary, Sir Arthur Hastings.

The reason I say this is not because I have forgotten the other two committee members.

Henry Hobhouse, as the former Permanent Under-Secretary of the Interior, was highly respected within the system, but he was, after all, an old bureaucrat who had long since retired to the second line, and had no interest in competing with Sir Arthur.

And what about Sir Charles Shaw?

This officer, who had returned from the Spanish battlefield, was a promising young man, but unfortunately, Lord Rowan, the head of Scotland Yard, simply ignored this army officer who was less experienced than him.

It is well known that Scotland Yard accounts for at least more than half of the work in British policing.

Of course, this does not mean that police work in other cities and counties is unimportant.

Instead, the local police departments' budgets are borne by the local governments themselves. Local police officers do not receive funding from the central government, so they naturally follow orders from the police headquarters.

As a result, over time, a system developed within the Commissioner for Police Affairs that required reports from the London Metropolitan Area to Sir Arthur Hastings, while local matters were first reported to Sir Charles Shaw, and then everyone would brainstorm together.

Well, the members of the Commissioner for Police Affairs don't have any high or low status; they just have different roles. Everyone is working hard for the police force in Great Britain.

However, even though they are all doing police work, some people can achieve political success and deliver results every day, while others run into obstacles every day, which makes it difficult for the police reform promoted by the Ministry of the Interior to be implemented at the local level.

This shows what?
This illustrates that there is no distinction between high and low jobs, but there are vast differences in work ability!
This shows that some committee members are not fulfilling their duties. Her Majesty the Queen entrusted such an important responsibility to him, but he not only does not care about his work, but also dares to openly lie down in his position!

For such corrupt, degenerate, and irresponsible officials, it is inappropriate to criticize or name them at the meeting, even out of courtesy and decorum.

However, I still hope to take this opportunity to remind him to always be vigilant.

Sir Charles Shaw, do you think there's any truth to what he's saying?
The doors to the Ministry of the Interior's meeting room slowly opened after Permanent Under-Secretary Samuel March Phillips declared, "The meeting is adjourned."

Sir Charles Shaw put away the documents in front of him, lowered his head and left his seat, his face, scarred by the Spanish Civil War, devoid of any color.

Suddenly, he looked up at Phillips, moved his lips, but ultimately said nothing.

Although Phillips didn't mention his name once at the meeting today, every word he said sounded like it was stabbing him in the back.

What is like:
Police work is not a military parade. The value of discipline lies not in proper posture, but in the ability to execute orders.

Soldiers can make mistakes, but civil servants cannot. The order of the British Empire was not maintained by medals, but by documents, procedures, and reason.

I don’t expect every committee member to be an expert in public administration, but I hope they understand that signing a document signifies responsibility, not honor.

During the meeting, Shaw wanted to overturn the table with Phillips countless times, but he eventually realized that he was neither a French soldier nor a Russian soldier, but a British soldier.

In Britain, soldiers who oppose Whitehall will not get away with it.

Not to mention him, even the Duke of Wellington has suffered setbacks more than once when facing Whitehall.

During the Korean War, due to the Sintra Treaty, Whitehall even went to great lengths to recall this victorious general to the United States to be investigated by the Sintra Commission.

While he successfully halted the advance of French Marshal Masséna with the Torres Vedras defensive line, the military expenses he requested were repeatedly withheld and delayed by the Ministry of Finance and the Department of Military Supplies on the grounds of "unverified accounts," forcing the Duke of Wellington's officers to obtain supplies on credit.

The enraged Duke of Wellington repeatedly denounced Whitehall in his letters, stating bluntly: "The trouble of fighting the Treasury is far greater than that of fighting the French."

However, what displeased the Duke of Wellington the most was that when he had defeated the French army in the Battle of Victoria and was planning to cross the Pyrenees Mountains and invade mainland France, the Foreign Office ordered him to postpone his advance so as not to disrupt the secret restoration negotiations that Britain was conducting with the Bourbon monarchy.

This situation did not improve much after the Duke of Wellington became Prime Minister.

Arthur often heard the Duke complain that Whitehall would deliberately delay his orders, and that the Treasury had even refused to implement appropriations he had not signed on on several occasions, leading the Duke to lament, "They would rather go against the Cabinet than not follow their own rules and procedures."

However, these complaints are all from seven or eight years ago.

A few years ago, during Peel's cabinet, the Duke of Wellington did strictly adhere to the written approval system, although this was far less efficient than he desired, but at least it finally satisfied Whitehall in terms of procedure.

Even a figure like the Duke of Wellington had been "tamed" by the bureaucrats of Whitehall, and Charles Shaw, outnumbered and outmatched, certainly did not have the ability to challenge the Permanent Under-Secretary of State for the Interior.

Before Xiao left the meeting room, he almost instinctively gave a military salute, and then left without looking back.

As for Henry Hobhouse, the former Permanent Under-Secretary of the Interior and now a Privy Councillor, he dozed off for almost the entire meeting.

After the crowd in the conference room dispersed, he slowly opened his eyes, looked at the cup of tea on the table that had gone cold, and sighed.

He slowly stood up, leaning on his cane as he walked over to Phillips: "I think it's time to let the young people do more writing; this old man won't get involved much."

Phillips quickly stood up, his tone unusually gentle, and a smile on his face: "Sir, it is an honor for headquarters to work with you."

“Honor? I’ve had that honor for twenty years already, let me be free now.” Hobhouse chuckled, stuffing the gleaming pocket watch into his jacket pocket. “Luckily, this old man can still climb the stairs of the Internal Affairs Department. Samuel, if you have any questions, just consult our young Secretary, Sir Arthur. No need for a farewell.” Phillips watched Hobhouse’s figure disappear around the corner of the corridor with utmost respect. Only after confirming that his old superior was truly gone did he turn around and look at Arthur, who remained in his place, head down, organizing documents.

“Sir Arthur,” Phillips said, extending his hand to persuade him to stay a little longer.

Arthur didn't move, but simply raised his head slightly.

Compared to Charles Shaw, who dared not challenge Phillips, Arthur was not so afraid of this key figure in the Ministry of the Interior's administrative system.

After all, he wasn't a lone wolf like Shaw, so it would indeed be difficult for the Home Office to bypass him and take command of Scotland Yard.

After all, from a legal standpoint, the creation of the Commissioner for Police Affairs was a check and balance imposed by Parliament to prevent the Ministry of the Interior from wielding too much power. If the Ministry of the Interior were to overstep its bounds and issue directives, it would not only displease Parliament but also violate the procedural bottom line of Whitehall bureaucrats.

In terms of influence, finding someone in a short period of time who could rival Arthur's status in Scotland Yard was an impossible task. Therefore, even if the Home Office was unhappy with his autocratic behavior on the Police Commissioner's Committee, they could only tolerate it for the time being.

In an effort to appease Arthur, Phillips even publicly supported Arthur at the meeting and suppressed Charles Shaw, who wanted to seize power from him.

Although Arthur didn't think Phillips meant any good by doing this, given his already secure position on the Police Commissioner's Committee, Phillips's humiliation of Charles Shaw seemed more likely to provoke conflict between the two.

However, regardless of the circumstances, at least on the surface, Phillips appears to be supporting him.

Even if Phillips didn't support him, Arthur didn't really care, because he held the court title of non-resident sergeant, not just a Whitehall official.

Although Phillips was nominally his superior and held the power to appoint personnel.

But in reality, no one can say for sure who actually holds the power to appoint personnel.

Even whether this promising young man's future lies with the Ministry of the Interior is unclear to everyone.

Phillips gently closed the thick meeting minutes book: "Sir Arthur, I know you've been extremely busy at Buckingham Palace lately. Her Majesty's concert should be on Scotland Yard's security schedule by now, shouldn't it?"

Arthur nodded slightly: "I just signed the committee's approval last night. If you are worried about the transfer procedures, I can have Scotland Yard send another copy of the plan to your office this afternoon."

“No, that’s not what I meant.” Phillips waved his hand gently. “In fact, I received the security plan this morning, and the committee’s arrangements are as meticulous as ever. However, London is about to welcome more than just a court concert these days. I’ve seen the attendance list from the Lord Chamberlain’s office: Liszt, Chopin, Thalberg, Strauss, and so on… plus ten Liszt recitals to follow, along with all sorts of rumors, reporters, and enthusiastic audiences.”

Arthur leaned against the table. As a veteran of the internal affairs system, how could he not understand what Phillips meant?

Are you worried that someone might organize a group to cause trouble?

When Arthur brought it up, Phillips stopped hiding it. He pulled a thin memo from the pile of documents and pushed it in front of Arthur: "The summary was just sent yesterday afternoon. Several old acquaintances showed up again."

Arthur glanced down at the list, and just as Phillips had said, it was full of familiar faces.

All five members of the House of Commons on the list are registered members of Scotland Yard.

Daniel O'Connell, a leader of Irish nationalism.

John Rubak, a radical liberal leader who won the election as an independent candidate.

Charles Hindley, a Lancashire cotton mill owner who supported factory reforms, opposed the new Poor Law, and advocated for improved education and religious emancipation.

Thomas Thompson, a retired military officer who once served as Governor of Sierra Leone, supported universal suffrage, free trade, and opposed the Corn Laws.

And William Crawford, an Irish landowner and leader of the Irish "shareholder rights" movement.

Besides these councilors, the list also includes many of Arthur's old "friends".

People like Hetherington, the founder of Poor Poor Politics Monthly, who was once imprisoned by Arthur for several months; Robert Irwin, the famous social reformer; and Francis Price, a reporter for the Chronicle Morning, among others.

Needless to say, seeing these names together tells you they're definitely plotting something to add to Scotland Yard's workload.

In fact, Arthur received the news earlier than Phillips, but he did not publicize it.

Because he was unwilling to continue to ruthlessly persecute radical liberals at this critical juncture, when Lord Brougham's political life was about to end.

Moreover, the political profiles of these radical liberals largely overlap with those of the University of London’s supporters, and a considerable number of them were originally students, faculty, and patrons of the University of London.

According to the information Arthur currently has, they seem to have only established an organization called the "London Workers' Association," and the gathering they held at the British Café a few days ago was to sign a document called the "People's Charter."

According to informants from the Police Intelligence Service, although there are violent factions within the London Workers' Association, the majority are still moralists. Most people do not intend to incite riots at this stage, but rather hope to petition Parliament.

However, what reassured Arthur the most was not that the moralists had the upper hand, but that the association was still maintaining a relatively small size due to the issue of entry requirements.

According to informants, given the setbacks encountered in maintaining similar groups in the past, the London Workers' Association, in order to prevent a repeat of these mistakes, prohibits even genuine working-class individuals from joining without rigorous vetting. Most membership applications are frequently rejected or shelved pending further investigation. The association prefers to remain lean rather than lower the quality of its members or risk factional divisions.

In addition, the association's membership fee of 1 shilling per month is a considerable expense that forces many applicants to reluctantly give up their applications.

Arthur flipped the list over and placed it on the table. Although he knew these people posed no threat, since Phillips had asked, he had no choice but to make a fuss about it.

“The Buckingham Palace concert can keep them out, but if they try to incite a crowd at Liszt’s recital, even without a commotion, just a few signs and leaflets will make the front page of The Times,” Arthur said calmly. “If Scotland Yard rashly disperses them, the media will have something to write about. If they stand idly by, opposition MPs in Parliament will jump out and question the Home Office’s negligence. Either way, it won’t please anyone.”

Phillips frowned slightly: "So what do you want to do?"

“The surveillance can’t stop, of course.” Arthur tapped his fingers lightly on the table. “But the best way is to dismantle their stage.”

(End of this chapter)