sultan's crescent

Chapter 144 Daying’s vigilance (two in one)

In recent months, there have been quite a lot of changes in imperial officials.

The original Grand Vizier of the Empire, Yusuf Pasha, had resigned. After Haji Pasha resigned from the position of Governor of Egypt, he immediately went to Constantiniya and became the new Grand Vizier of the Empire.

Isaac Pasha went to Egypt to take over the governorship. As for Kuchuk Pasha, he was sent to Mesopotamia by Emperor Cyprus to prepare for the Great Expedition.

However, the Great Expedition has not yet begun, and Emperor Sai has already started practicing Tai Chi.

In fact, Emperor Sai was not a person who liked Tai Chi, but the British Empire had already put its face on the face of the Ottoman Empire government.

Recently, Dai Ying has notified the Ottoman Empire's ambassador in London.

In this note, Dai Ying made several requests to the Ottoman Empire.

According to the report sent back by the London ambassador, Daiying had three requests.

This is also the main content of Izet-Muhammad's report to Se the Great today.

“Your Majesty, first of all, it’s about Egyptian cotton.

The British hope that we can export Egyptian cotton to the past. Considering our needs, the British are willing to buy at a premium of twice the price of Indian cotton.

At the same time, Britain expressed its willingness to stand with us on the issue of the protection rights of Orthodox Christians in the Empire and jointly attack Tsarist Russia. "

After hearing this request, Emperor Sai almost stopped.

Did William Pitt lose his mind? You must know that after losing the North American colonies, Daiying is currently experiencing a severe shortage of cotton or raw materials for the textile industry. This is not what the British mainland can provide. The wool of the British Empire Combined with cotton, it is not enough for the development of the British textile industry.

As for the so-called enclosure movement, it was just a climax of enclosure launched by the British in the countryside during the last 30 years of the [-]th century and the first decades of the [-]th century.

At that time, it was mainly due to the rapid development of the domestic wool textile industry in Flanders and later in the UK, the demand for wool increased greatly, and the price of wool continued to rise.

Affected by this, the income from sheep farming was more than twice that of agriculture at that time, so the new nobles turned their cultivated land into sheep pastures one after another. Large tracts of land are fenced off as pastures, either managed by themselves, or leased out to large ranchers. This is the so-called enclosure movement.

It first started from the southern countryside that was closely connected to the market. Landowners initially started by enclosing forests, pastures, wasteland, swamps and other public lands, and then expanded to small farmers' rented land.

By the 30s, the British religious reform and the subsequent confiscation and auction of religious property pushed the enclosure movement to a climax and accelerated the process of depriving farmers of their land.

In the second half of the sixteenth century, due to the development of industry and commerce, the non-agricultural population continued to increase, and the demand for agricultural and sideline products such as grain and meat in towns and industrial and mining enterprises greatly increased. This stimulated the development of large farms. Drive the peasants away from the land, enclose large tracts of land as capitalist farms, and engage in capitalist operations.

The enclosure movement was essentially a change in production relations. Because a large number of farmers were forcibly deprived of means of production and living, they were put on the labor market and transformed into hired workers, thus creating a future for the development of capitalist production.

At the same time, the enclosure movement forcibly eliminated the system of peasants owning land, and began to transform feudal land ownership into capitalist land ownership.

The nobility rented most of the enclosed land to agricultural capitalists and levied capitalist land rent. At the end of the [-]th century, a class of capitalist farmers emerged in England who specialized in renting land from landlords. At the same time, the small and medium-sized nobility also became bourgeois and became New aristocrats, and later wealthy farmers, urban tycoons, and officials, big and small, were also transformed into new aristocrats.

The new aristocracy deprived the peasants of their land and implemented capitalist management, thus gaining the support of the emerging bourgeoisie, they formed an alliance.It is undeniable that he did prop up the development of the early British textile industry.

However, this could only support the development of the early textile industry in Britain. When Hargreaves invented the spinning jenny in 1765, there was no longer any possibility in the UK to provide enough raw materials to support the development of its textile industry.

But at this time, Dai Ying still had North America, so he was not in a hurry. However, Luo Ying Shen Ax led Diao Min to do a whole job for Dai Ying. Guess what, the Thirteen States, eh, were gone.

The cotton supply during this period is in a state of inadequacy for Daiying. After all, India has not completely won it. How can we talk about large-scale supply of Indian cotton to the local area?
As for the conditions offered by Dai Ying, Emperor Sai was too lazy to pay attention to this stupid condition.

You are still on the side of Se the Great on the issue of the protection rights of the Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire.

It's true that Dai Ying is awesome, isn't my good brother French Chicken awesome? French Chicken won't support it, right? What the hell, this can also be used to make conditions, Dai Ying is really not a good person.

If William Pitt said that he was willing to send troops to help during the Russian-Turkish war, the navy would send Ottomans into the Black Sea and the Baltic Sea to block the Russians, or directly kill the Russian fleet.The lobster soldiers were directly put on the battlefield to export to the Russian army, that's nothing else, Se the Great didn't say a word, just followed along, and the export of Egyptian cotton was not a problem.

What came up is that you are willing to stand on the side of Se the Great on the issue of the protection rights of the Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire. Why don't you put it here and feed the grown-up lollipops?
This is not the Ottoman Empire in the mid-nineteenth century, nor is it the India you brought with the British. You dare to interfere in internal affairs. You really think this is a semi-colonial, right?
The Sultan said nothing, but motioned for Izet-Mohamed to continue.

He wanted to know if the British really felt that they didn't understand, or if this was a test by the British.

It has been a while since the last meeting, and it is difficult to guarantee whether the British will already know some news and come to test the empire on purpose.

This is also what Emperor Se the Great worried about most. With an overly powerful Ottoman Empire and a weak Persia, it is difficult to prevent Daiying from worrying that the Ottoman Empire will threaten India.

"Your Majesty, the next is the second request of the British. They are willing to provide the empire with manufacturing technology similar to steam engines and textile machines, and are willing to send experienced workers and engineers to guide the work. They hope to exchange for the empire Lower tariffs."

"Tariffs?" Emperor Sai remembered that he had ordered the other party to adjust the tariff rates of the Ottoman Empire.

Sultan then asked.

"What's the current tariff rate?"

Immediately, Izzet Mohamed picked up another document and replied.

"Your Majesty, based on your ideas and theories, I have made substantial adjustments to the empire's customs system.

Considering that the empire has a wide variety of foreign imports, I will not list the tax rates for each imported goods one by one.

As for the tariff on imports, I have adjusted this tax rate to about 40.00% on average.

At the same time, I removed many products that were originally on the tax-free list.

This is only preliminary. The industrial development in the early stage of the empire hardly required the import of raw materials, so I will further adjust the policy in the later stage to encourage the development of national and private enterprises. "Emperor Sai nodded. He remembered that he also used Liszt's theory to adopt trade protection.

But in the end the Americans succeeded in rising, and Latin America, where is there any Latin America, this is my backyard of America.

You asked who said this, and Monroe said it, if you don’t accept it, let’s do it.

This is actually a particularly interesting phenomenon. Why did the United States succeed and Latin America fail?
In other words, why high tariffs in Latin America did not bring about industrial development, but high tariffs in the United States did.

Se the Great has seen several viewpoints, the most interesting of which are two
One point of view is that the high tariffs in Latin America have protected low-value handicraft workshops and caused industrial development to stagnate for a long time. The explanation for the high tariffs in the United States is that although the United States has high nominal tariffs, its tariff exemption rate is much higher than that in Latin America, resulting in substantial economic growth. Tariff protection is not high.

Another point of view also mentioned that US tariffs have led to differentiation due to exemptions, which is the driving force for its development.

These two ideas seem to be not contradictory, but they are contradictory on specific issues. For example, since it is believed that high tariffs protect backward hand-woven textile workshops, should high tariffs be adopted in the development of modern textile industry?

This gets to the heart of the question, a yes or no answer to an economic question.

In Se the Great’s view, this problem can only be explained by looking at it from a broader framework.

The history of tariffs in the United States actually has very clear divisions.

One is bounded by 1790, followed by a period of high tariffs, which lasted until about 1830, and by 1840, tariffs had dropped to a very low level.

Around 1865, high tariffs resumed, and after 1910, tariffs began to decline again.

The other is 1750 as the limit. During the previous colonial period, the U.S. tariff rate was very low.

So, what was the economic level of the United States before 1750, 1790, and 1865?

In fact, as early as 1775, when the United States first became independent, it was already a top developed country, second only to the United Kingdom.

A little earlier, as early as the end of the colonial period, that is, after 1720, the United States had already emerged from the entangled economic development curve of various countries, and followed Britain to become the first echelon. At this time, France, Germany and Latin America intertwined and became the Second echelon.

After 1800, France and Germany left behind Latin America and became a separate second echelon, and Latin America became the third echelon. (For ease of explanation, the United States and Germany are used directly)

In 1790, the Americans claimed that "tariffs protected infant industries", which was actually not naive at all, because before tariff protection, the per capita output of the United States was already probably the second largest in the world.

In other words, the U.S. tariff protection was carried out on the premise that "a huge comparative advantage has been formed", while the high tariffs in Latin America after 1830 were carried out under relatively backward conditions, so the effects obtained are completely different. Very normal.

The United States did not have a high level of tariffs during the rapidly developing colonial period, while Latin America adopted high tariffs in a backward state and did not bring about great industrial development.

From an empirical point of view, under the conditions of a relatively weak position, high tariffs are not a good prescription.

Logically speaking, the most important part of the development of latecomer markets is the introduction of foreign capital.

Whether it was the introduction of foreign investment from the Soviet Union in 1950 by a large eastern country or the introduction of foreign investment from the United States and Japan in 1980, logically it is the introduction of foreign investment that brings leading technology promotion and advanced management experience.

What is more important is the exchange of investment in advanced equipment through open markets without capital accumulation.

Therefore, high tariffs are often contradictory to the introduction of foreign investment, because the introduction of foreign investment means the tilt of the entire industrial chain, not just money coming and going. There is no doubt that high tariffs will establish higher cross-border commercial barriers.

Of course, even under such circumstances, Latin America still introduced a lot of foreign investment, mainly including British foreign investment and German foreign investment.

However, the market barriers are too high, which may lead to the fact that foreign capital can only enter the monopoly and profiteering resource industry to obtain comfortable profit margins.

The reason why the United States dared to impose high tariffs in 1790 was that they were almost the economy with the highest output efficiency. The so-called "infant industry theory" succeeded in the relatively mature United States, but failed in the "truly immature" Latin America.

Lister's theory did not work anywhere except in Argentina's flour industry.

Here comes the question, is the Ottoman Empire suitable? It must be suitable, because this is not a high tariff model dominated by a free market economy alone, but a high tariff model with state intervention.

In terms of the implementation of this policy, what was also superior to Latin America in what was the Ottoman Empire?

It is the output capacity of the Ottoman Empire that is better than that of Latin America, the size of the Ottoman Empire that is larger than that of any single Latin American country, and the rural purchasing power liberated by Emperor Sergei after completing certain land reforms.

The most important of these are the benefits brought about by land reform.

It should be understood that the so-called low rural purchasing power and no rural purchasing power are completely different things.

The basis for the later generations of powers to use the colonies as a place to dump their commodities was the low purchasing power of the countryside, not the non-existent purchasing power.

On this basis, the mother country broke through the colonial tariff barriers by signing unequal "trade agreements" with the colonies, and the colonies were forced to pursue free market policies.

The great powers first used opium dumping to complete the plunder of primitive wealth, and then used industrialized production of cheap daily necessities to occupy the colonial market. The advantages of industrialized centralized production were not comparable to those of small colonial workshops and guilds.

It was difficult for the colonial government to carry out industrial reforms and compete with the big powers, and the widespread abject poverty of the colonial people further exacerbated their lack of purchasing power and could only buy cheap industrial products.

Emperor Sai was very familiar with this method. Wasn't it this method that brought him to the end of the Qing Dynasty?

But if you look around the world, you will find that it is not just the Qing Dynasty. The great powers treat everyone in the same way, including the Ottoman Empire where Se the Great, and will follow this path in the future, but in different ways and degrees.

Sultan shook his head and yawned.

"Does the British have a third request or condition?"

(End of this chapter)