I'm playing whack-a-mole in Siberia

Chapter 693 What's wrong with this?

After the implementation of the metric system, farmers who owned less than 10 mu of land would be exempt from taxes.

Although taxes are exempted, transaction taxes will be incurred as long as transactions are carried out.

The transaction tax is included in the seeds, fertilizers, agricultural machinery and other production and living supplies purchased by farmers.

Immigration to Siberia is based on households. Even if they are brothers from the same family, as long as they have started a family, if the elder brother goes to the Urals, the younger brother may go to Lake Baikal, and they are resettled as far as possible in a dispersed manner.

You don’t have to separate, but the welfare policies you enjoy will be reduced accordingly.

After the decision was announced, Witt was criticized again, with some people believing that this placement method was too inhumane.

Werther ignored it and said that the innocent would be cleared.

Guchkov was more sensitive than Witte and quickly submitted a list to Witte.

The list includes Duma deputies, officials, and university professors. They all have one thing in common: they like to make criticisms in a rational and objective manner.

During the Imperial Russian era, there were many such people in St. Petersburg, and they were the so-called critics.

Werther had a headache and didn't know what to do, so he came to George.

“What else have these people done besides criticizing?”

George really couldn't imagine that there was such a home.

If you talk about literary figures, gourmets, etc., George can still understand.

What is a critic?

"Most of them are sensationalists. They usually make a living by contributing articles to newspapers and earning royalties. Once they become famous, they can give speeches, publish books, and become frequent guests in high society salons—"

Witte knew this group of people very well; he had dealt with them a lot when he was in St. Petersburg.

The purpose of these people's existence is to disgust people.

For example, on the issue of immigration, they could not offer any suggestions other than criticism, and the entire article was mainly about venting emotions. It seemed that they were speaking up for immigrants, but in fact they were attacking the Witte government.

But if you want to say that he made a big mistake, that's not the case.

At least not to the extent of breaking the law.

Witt didn't know how to characterize this behavior.

George is very familiar with this rhythmic technique.

“How many newspapers are there in Constantinople?”

George still solves the problem fundamentally.

"Only two—"

Witte believes that the current public opinion environment is much better than that during the imperial period.

George felt that it should not be compared with St. Petersburg, but with Paris.

Look at how the French government controls public opinion.

Look at Russia again——

What a bunch of good-for-nothings!
George decided to merge the two and keep only one Constantinople Journal.

Witt was worried that this would cause controversy again.

“Even if we don’t do anything, they can still vilify us for not doing anything.”

George actually doesn't have a very good impression of newspapers.

For many Russian government officials during the Imperial era, working was more relaxing than being on vacation, with a cup of tea, a cigarette and a newspaper to read all day.

George used newspapers as a carrier of public opinion and could only publish news that was favorable to Russia. All news that was unfavorable to Russia was banned.

This is not just George's decision, all countries do this.

Britain and France, both known for their democracy, have stricter control over the news media than feudal and autocratic Russia.

What George did not expect was that the Russians had not yet begun to oppose George, Lloyd George and Clemenceau. Instead, when interviewed by the media, they expressed their concerns about the Russian public opinion environment.

Lloyd George was fine. When he was interviewed by the media, he only expressed his concerns and did not go too far.

Clemenceau openly claimed in an interview with The Prisoner that Russia was about to return to the dark ages under the rule of the Tsar.

Alexander was about to explode with anger, and took the initiative to contact the Russian media, hoping to launch a wave of public opinion offensive against Lloyd George and Clemenceau.

Little Nicholas reminded Alexander to make full use of Russia's own advantages.

Compared with Britain and France, Russia's own advantages are obvious, especially the newly introduced eight-hour work system and minimum wage guarantee system.

Alexander suddenly realized.

Where is France?
This is an old revolutionary base in Europe!

The French workers' movement has a longer history than that of Russia. As early as 1831, workers in Lyon, France, launched an armed uprising to resist the cruel exploitation of capitalism.

In 1871, the people of Paris staged an armed uprising and established the world's first proletarian regime, the Paris Commune. In order to suppress the Paris Commune, the French government colluded with the Prussian army, shocking the world again.

You have to know that in 1870, France had just lost to Prussia in the Franco-Prussian War.

When Nicholas abdicated, he never considered joining forces with Germany to suppress domestic resistance.

The French media has always been curious about Alexander.

From the first day Alexander arrived in Paris, the French media wanted to interview Alexander and uncover the secrets of the Yuriev family.

So when Alexander released the news, countless media flocked to the scene. After careful selection, the Russian delegation decided to let Alexander accept a joint interview with the British "Times" and the French "Le Figaro".

These two are the largest newspapers in the UK and France respectively, and they attract worldwide attention.

In order to achieve the best results, The Times and Le Figaro sent their best reporters and editors respectively. Le Figaro sent its editor-in-chief François Leonard, while The Times sent its editor-in-chief Alfred Harmsworth himself.

The interview took place at the Alexander Palace on the banks of the Seine, a mansion that Alexander gave to Catherine and where the two lived during their visits to France.

Before entering the Alexandra Palace again, François and Alfred underwent metal detectors and manual inspections respectively.

Both of them were used to it. For Russian dignitaries who were frequently assassinated, no security measures were excessive.

François and Alfred waited in the lounge for a long time before Alexander finally arrived.

"I'm very sorry, something happened that delayed me a little."

Alexander took the initiative to apologize, he did not mean it.

Alexander was one of the two Russian representatives attending the meeting of the Ten, and he was busy with work, which François and Alfred could understand and did not take to heart.

Since Alexander joined the Russian delegation only halfway through the trip, the interview started with "lateness".

"I was involved in the reconstruction work in St. Petersburg before. After the winter came, the reconstruction came to an end, and I participated in the disaster relief work again. I didn't come to Paris until everyone was settled."

Alexander has a kind attitude, which is completely different from the bad-tempered little Nicholas.

“Things are bad in St. Petersburg?”

François's writing style has always been known for its sharpness.

"You all know what happened in St. Petersburg. I have no intention of whitewashing it. Some terrible things did happen in St. Petersburg, but fortunately, St. Petersburg has passed the most difficult stage and ushered in a new life."

Alexander's sincerity won François' favor.

"Let's talk about Grand Duke Yuriev. We are all curious about where he will lead Russia."

Alfred was more curious about George.

"Russia is becoming everyone's dream place, where everyone can live and work in peace and contentment, everyone has their own house, everyone has their own land, children are educated, and the elderly are taken care of. We have just passed an eight-hour work system and a minimum wage guarantee system to ensure that every Russian worker can balance work and family life and have time to pursue their hobbies—"

Alexander naturally led the conversation to the eight-hour workday and the minimum wage guarantee system.

“Can you talk in detail about the eight-hour workday and the minimum wage guarantee system?”

François was very cooperative, which was a prerequisite for the interview to go smoothly.

If a big shot is willing to take out his precious time to be interviewed, he must have his own purpose.

The day before the interview, François and Alfred were reminded by the Russian delegation respectively about what questions they could and could not ask, which had been communicated in advance.

"Of course. This story starts with my father's fiefdom, Amur. You may not know that at the end of the last century, Amur had already implemented an eight-hour work system and a minimum wage guarantee system—"

Alexander spoke endlessly and with great pride about George.

François and Alfred wrote furiously; there were no tape recorders in those days, and a good memory was no match for a good pen.

"——Father had reminded Brother Nicky many times, hoping that Brother Nicky would pay attention to the workers' livelihood security. Brother Nicky is a good man, but he has too many things he has to do. There are countless whirlpools in his life, and he was eventually swallowed up by them."

Any name Alexander mentioned at random deserves to be recorded in Russian history.

“If a friend of the Grand Duke violates the minimum wage guarantee system, what will the Grand Duke do?”

François was curious and wondered how far George could go.

"My father's friend violated Russian law. What does this have to do with my father? The law will naturally deal with it fairly."

Alexander seems to be more idealistic than Wilson.

However, it is hard to say, because these two systems have been operating in Amur for many years. Now that they can be promoted throughout Russia, it means that they are effective.

François and Alfred will not believe Alexander's one-sided statement, and it remains to be seen whether Russian law can be sufficiently binding on Grand Duke Yuriev.

The day after the interview, The Times and Le Figaro each devoted at least one page to Alexander's interview, with several important paragraphs on the eight-hour workday and the minimum wage guarantee system.

Lloyd George and Clemenceau read the report with disdain and did not take it seriously at all.

Some people took it very seriously, such as Marcel Cachin, one of the leaders of the French branch of the Workers' International and a famous French social activist.

And Sydney Webb, a member of the British Labour Party’s executive committee who published “Labour and the New Social Order” last year.

Feudal and autocratic Russia has already implemented an eight-hour work system and a minimum wage guarantee system.

What happened to Britain and France, which are known as the two cornerstones of European democracy? Is it a physical problem?
(End of this chapter)