Chongzhen revived the Ming Dynasty

With so many restrictions placed on the cabinet, would the Grand Secretaries oppose these provisions?
That's impossible, because the draft of the rites and laws clearly states that Grand Secretaries of the Cabinet have the power to "assist in state affairs."

This indicates that the cabinet was exercising imperial power on behalf of the emperor and sharing the power that originally belonged to the emperor.

This point was previously ambiguous, but it is now clear.

With such great benefits, what's the point of setting up restrictions?
Even becoming a eunuch in the palace would be something some people would be willing to do—

Many famous eunuchs castrated themselves to enter the palace in hopes of becoming prime ministers!

Now, Han Kuang, Yang Jingchen, and others, while feeling that the cabinet was subject to many restrictions, were still very pleased with these six rules of etiquette.

This resolved the issue of the cabinet's status institutionally.

From then on, Grand Secretaries of the Cabinet could occupy a supreme position in the bureaucratic system without any additional titles.

The Grand Secretary position they held represented the power to assist in the affairs of the state.

Of course, to truly solidify this power, it would be best to have a regent or assistant minister, which would make it more legitimate and allow them to "assist in the affairs of the state."

Moreover, judging from these four characters and the emperor's emphasis on bestowing titles upon the four assistant ministers, it is estimated that without the title of assistant minister, it would be difficult to become a Grand Secretary.

Grand Secretaries who hold the title of Assistant Minister are even more qualified to assist the Emperor.

Thinking about the emperor's intentions, Yang Jingchen saw an opportunity and spoke up:
"Your Majesty, since the Cabinet is at the head of all departments, I believe that its ranks should be redefined."

"In this way, the effectiveness of the cabinet's decrees will surpass that of other government departments, which is in line with the cabinet's status."

Han Kuang, Wen Tiren, and others also realized what was happening and requested that the cabinet's rank be raised.

Although they became ministers of the first rank and second rank through their additional titles, the reality that Grand Secretaries were only of the fifth rank still made them very dissatisfied.

When the emperor wanted to establish an official system and allocate the powers of various departments, he first had to establish the rank of the Grand Secretariat, so that the Grand Secretariat's policies would be superior to those of other government departments.

Zhu Youjian had long harbored the idea of ​​elevating the rank of the cabinet and did not intend to continue to suppress it deliberately.

He knew that the cabinet's position was uncontrollable, so it was better to clarify their power and let the cabinet help the emperor take responsibility.

That way, if the emperor makes a mistake in the future, the cabinet ministers who are the deputy signatories can take the blame.

If a subject requests the emperor to issue an edict of self-reproach, the emperor can bring along all the Grand Secretaries of the Cabinet.

So he immediately nodded and said:
"The Grand Secretariat has four halls and two pavilions of Grand Secretaries. After entering the Grand Secretariat, the Grand Secretaries will serve as Grand Secretaries of the East Pavilion, Wenyuan Pavilion, Wuying Hall, Wenhua Hall, Jianji Hall, and Zhongji Hall in turn, all of which are of the fifth rank."

“The current Grand Secretaries of the Cabinet are essentially prime ministers, so it is inappropriate to use the rank of fifth grade.”

"According to the ranks of the Secretariat at the beginning of the dynasty, the Left and Right Chancellors were of the first rank, the Grand Councilor was of the second rank, the Left and Right Chancellors were of the third rank, and the Vice Chancellor was of the fourth rank, in order to oversee all the positions."

"I will refer to the ranks of the Secretariat and establish the Grand Secretaries of the Hall of Supreme Harmony and the Hall of Supreme Harmony as first-rank officials, and the Grand Secretaries of the Hall of Literary Glory and the Hall of Military Prowess as second-rank officials."

"The Grand Secretaries of Wenyuan Pavilion and Dongge Pavilion were designated as the second rank, on par with the Ministers of the Six Ministries, but their ranks were placed first to show the prestige of the Grand Secretaries."

"From now on, only officials of the second rank or above with experience in the Hanlin Academy will be eligible to be elected as Grand Secretaries of the Cabinet. Without special circumstances, they will not be promoted from the third rank or even lower."

The rank of cabinet officials was raised, and it was clarified that ordinary vice ministers were not eligible to be selected as grand secretaries of the cabinet.

To become a candidate for Grand Secretary, one must hold an official position of the second rank or above, or be granted an additional title of the second rank or above.

The power to bestow the title of Grand Secretary (a second-rank official) rested with the emperor. Without the emperor's approval, one could not become a candidate for Grand Secretary.

The ministers had long since figured out this hidden intention after several years. Grand Secretary Han Kuang asked:
"The rank of the Assistant Grand Secretary has not been determined. Is it set as a second-rank official?"

Zhu Youjian shook his head and said:
"The Associate Grand Secretary assists the Cabinet in its work, but he also has his own duties."

"His rank is determined by his job duties; he only needs to be at least a second-rank official."

He then solemnly addressed Han Kuang and the others:
"From now on, the Cabinet will be a proper first-rank government office, ranking first among all departments."

"This is a great responsibility, and you must all shoulder it and properly manage the relationship between the ruler, his subjects, and the people."

"If you don't do well and get impeached by officials, or even asked to resign by Congress, that would be a huge embarrassment."

"you……"

After thinking for a moment, Zhu Youjian, who did not want to get entangled with his ministers over the ranks of the cabinet, said to them:
"The cabinet will then report to Congress quarterly and allow members to vote on the approval ratings."

"If the public has any opinions, they can raise them through members of parliament. If any of you cabinet secretaries have made mistakes, please correct them and strive for the support of the parliament."

"What do you all think? What do you think, Liu Qing?"

I specifically asked Liu Lishun to get his opinion.

Liu Lishun, who was in charge of organizing the parliament, naturally supported it, saying:

"I believe that not only should the Grand Secretaries of the Cabinet give reports, but the heads of the Five Academies and Six Ministries can also give reports."

"If an official has a particularly large amount of public discontent, he can be dismissed directly."

"Only in this way can officials be made to practice the principle of serving the people."

This statement drew attention from all the officials present.

It's surprising that Liu Lishun, despite holding such a high official position, still adheres to this view.

They didn't want to be burdened with this constraint, and all said there was no need to do so, assuring others that they would do their best.

The Grand Secretaries of the Cabinet even stated that once a quarter was too frequent; if they were busy with this matter, they would have no time to govern, and it would be impossible for Parliament to convene every quarter.

Despite their fierce opposition, Zhu Youjian ultimately relented and decided to continue holding the meeting annually. At each plenary session of the National Assembly, the Grand Secretaries of the Cabinet and the heads of the Five Academies and Six Ministries would give reports to the National Assembly and be subject to review by the members.

Those whose work reports receive low approval ratings must submit an on-the-spot self-criticism and propose improvement measures. If the self-criticism is not approved, they may even be dismissed from their posts.

This was a measure that Zhu Youjian came up with after realizing his own negligence:
Use legislators to monitor officials and keep them in check.

Han Kuang's suggestion of an annual mini-plan was used here.

Each government office must submit its plan for the following year to Parliament, which can then review and process it.

He partially delegated the latter two aspects of planning, execution, inspection, and handling to Congress.

This delighted Liu Lishun, who believed it would urge officials to serve the people. He also proposed that local officials should report to the local councils for review.

Once the Shuntian Prefecture Council is established, it can begin immediately.

Zhu Youjian nodded in approval, causing the officials to sigh inwardly:
They felt that serving as an official in the Ming Dynasty would become even more difficult in the future.
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"Officials are living in misery, truly living in misery!"

"Being an official during the Chongzhen era was truly difficult!"

Looking at the six rules of etiquette published in the Imperial Gazette, and the discussions between the emperor and his ministers, officials in the capital, while praising the emperor for delegating power, lamented the difficulty of being an official.

However, few people sympathized with them; the gentry and commoners of the capital, upon seeing this, felt it was quite appropriate.

Since the emperor has delegated power, officials should bear responsibility. How should this responsibility be defined? Naturally, it should be through public oversight, preventing officials from abusing their power and acting recklessly.

They highly praised the emperor for boldly delegating power to the parliament and practicing the principle of shared governance between the emperor, his ministers, and the people, believing that the current emperor was a sage ruler who appeared only once in a thousand years.

Especially under Liu Lishun's influence, the prominent figures in the capital who participated in the establishment of the Shuntian Prefecture Council praised the emperor highly.

If it weren't for the emperor's insistence, Parliament would never have had such great power.

Now things are much better. The National Assembly is nominally equal to the court assembly, and even if it has less real power, court officials must still respect the members of parliament.

These self-made celebrities, once they become members of parliament, will transform into people that even officials must respect.

This is the legendary white-robed prime minister; who wouldn't want him?

They published articles in newspapers in support of the Code of Conduct and hoped to gain public recognition and be elected as members of parliament.

Especially under the lottery election law, half of the elected members of parliament are directly elected and half are elected by lottery. Before the final decision is made, everyone has a chance.

Those aspiring to become members of parliament read the election guidelines and actively participated in the election.

Based on his experience in organizing proposal meetings in Zhuolu District and Susong New District, Liu Lishun also gave them advice on how to gain voter approval.

He also advised landowners to return to their hometowns and compete for agricultural councilor seats.

As for the scholars in the city, he instructed the trade unions, chambers of commerce, and guilds under the supervision of the fundraising association to strive for industrial and commercial quotas.

The entire Shuntian Prefecture was bustling with activity, with people everywhere campaigning and running for Shuntian Prefecture councilor.

The thriving newspaper industry in the capital also provided them with convenience, and many people used newspapers and magazines for publicity, quickly gaining fame.

As a result, Liu Lishun had to repeatedly reiterate the proportion of members of parliament who are property owners, have stable assets, and are poor, and required each candidate to declare their family assets and campaign funds to be subject to supervision by the parliament and the public.

This earned him the support of impoverished scholars, but also offended the wealthy and powerful gentry.

After learning about the power of the council, more and more gentry realized that if they wanted to maintain their influence in the region, they had to join the council.

They were very dissatisfied with the bias in the allocation of seats to the wealthy and the poor.

These people have been calling in newspapers for an adjustment to the ratio or for the restriction to be abolished.

However, Zhu Youjian ignored all of this and was determined to build a spindle-shaped society with the majority of the middle-income group, prioritizing those with stable assets.

The same applies to ministers; although many of them come from wealthy families, quite a few are also long-term property owners.

In particular, as officials, they could not participate in parliamentary elections, and even if they entered parliament in the future, they would be appointed by the emperor to the Advisory Council.

Therefore, they completely ignored the appeals of wealthy individuals and even tried to suppress their status to avoid being too constrained by Congress.

These people would love for fewer property owners in Congress so that they could satisfy members of Congress at a lower cost.

The previously stipulated quotas of 20% each for agricultural, industrial, and commercial representatives, 5% for property owners, 10% for permanent property owners, and 5% for the poor, have stubbornly remained unchanged.

It was even drafted into articles of the "Collected Statutes of the Ming Dynasty" and added to the chapter of the National Assembly along with the election law by drawing lots.

The election of Shuntian Prefecture councilors is now more legally based, and various issues are being resolved little by little in practice.

As the place where the election was being piloted, the imperial court also showed rare leniency, allowing Liu Lishun to act freely and providing support.

The ministers in the imperial court were more concerned with revising the articles of etiquette and law.
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The ministers were generally satisfied with the six draft rules of etiquette, but they did have their objections.

The second point, which has the most objections, concerns the minister's three major powers.

In this article, only the Four Assistant Ministers, the Privy Council Ministers, the Senior Ministers, and the Six Departments Censors are explicitly qualified to participate in court discussions, recommendations, and investigations.

Those third-rank vice ministers who did not hold the title of one of the Four Ministers were excluded.

Although they can still participate in the court recommendation process according to the old system of recommendation by ministers of the third rank and above, this may not be the case once the formal implementation of the new system.

Therefore, these vice ministers requested that they be included as well.

Although Han Rizuan, the Left Vice Minister of the Ministry of Personnel, also held the position of Minister of State Affairs, he expressed his support for this, saying:
"The Vice Ministers of the Six Ministries hold the highest rank of the third grade, equivalent to the Ministers of the Three Ministries, and their power is comparable."

"Under the old system, officials of the third rank and above should be recommended by the court. I believe that under the new system, they should participate in the court deliberations, recommendations, and interrogations."

The court officials unanimously supported this proposal. They even joined forces with the Censor-in-Chief of the Censorate and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, demanding that the ministers be granted explicit powers.

Clearly, these people realized that if they did not enshrine their power in the law, they might be excluded in the future.

Faced with these people's demands, Zhu Youjian had no choice but to compromise.

However, he had a condition: that some people be included as well. He said:

"If the Censor-in-Chief and the Chief Justice can participate in the court recommendation, then the Censor-in-Chief and the Chief Justice can naturally do so as well."

"They can all participate in the vetting of candidates to prevent unqualified officials from infiltrating the ministerial ranks."

"As for the Vice Ministers of the Six Ministries, they can be given the title of Chengzhengshi. Those who have the title of Chengzhengshi are candidates for Chengzheng Minister."

"The Chief Secretary of the Privy Council, as a candidate Privy Councilor, also possesses the powers of a minister."

"There are also ministers in Nanjing and local governors, who are also ministers. If they are in Beijing, they can participate in the ministers' meeting."

"For example, the Governor-General of the Beijing Garrison, the Governor-General of the Great Wall, and the Governors-General of Shuntian, Tianjin, and Baoding who could return to the court for meetings could all participate in the ministers' meeting."

"Officials in the capital such as the Prefect of Shuntian Prefecture, if they have additional titles such as Chengzheng Shi or Duyushi, are also considered ministers."

"These individuals, as supplementary ministers, participate in ministerial meetings as alternate ministers."

He expanded the scope of ministers by adding the Censor-in-Chief, the Chief Justice, the Chief Censor, the Chief Administrator, and the Governors-General in the capital all at once.

However, they were inferior to formal ministers, so ministers were also divided into two ranks:
The Four Assistant Ministers, along with the Privy Council Ministers and Senior Ministers, were usually formal ministers, and together with the Six Supervising Secretaries, they were collectively known as the Six Ministries and Six Ministers. If the regular meetings were expanded, they would usually be included.

Although alternate ministers have the power to participate in court deliberations, court recommendations, and court hearings, they can only participate in regular court assemblies, except for extraordinary meetings where they deal with the affairs of their respective departments.

With emperors becoming increasingly negligent in their duties and reducing regular court sessions, the power of probationary ministers is less than that of regular ministers.

Regardless, they all secured the powers that belonged to ministers, allowing them to continue participating in court deliberations, recommendations, and trials.

Officials of the fifth rank or above who were qualified to serve as Grand Secretaries of the Cabinet, Ministers of Personnel and War, and Governors-General of Local Governments were also required to have their powers clearly defined in the provisions of the rites and laws.

However, their voices were not as loud as those of third-rank officials, and these powers were ultimately written into the "Collected Statutes of the Ming Dynasty" without being included in the articles of etiquette and law.

Overall, this reform of the rites and music system was a consolidation and improvement of the previous system, and it respected the existing powers of officials at all levels as much as possible.

However, there are also completely new ones, such as the Court of Colonial Affairs, which had no precedent before.

The power that Zhu Youjian fought for for the emperor was mainly concentrated here. (End of Chapter)