Chongzhen revived the Ming Dynasty

With the support of Yuan Keli and others, the meeting on April 16 was a great success.

This joint meeting of the court and the parliament successfully passed several draft articles on etiquette and law, and decided to improve the relevant articles in the "Great Ming Code" and the "Great Ming Code", and to implement them on a trial basis in Shuntian Prefecture.

The cabinet, the privy council, and other government offices also planned to formulate laws and regulations in accordance with etiquette and submit them to the parliament for review.

With leadership transitions imminent, many government departments will enact their own regulations into law to ensure their continued enforcement.

This gave the staff of the preparatory office for Congress their first taste of power—

They had never imagined that one day they could make decisions together with their ministers in the imperial court.

The practice of "white-robed ministers" truly became a reality, and these scholars in plain clothes gained power no less than that of court officials.

Although this power is currently limited to etiquette and law, it still makes them extremely happy.

They hoped that the power promised to the parliament by the emperor would become a reality, and that the Ming Dynasty would truly become a society where the emperor, his ministers, and the people jointly govern.

Some radical individuals even hoped to establish the rites and laws as soon as possible, to formulate and improve the "Great Ming Rites and Laws Convention" and implement it.

The court officials, however, were not so pleased with this situation.

They were less opposed to Congress previously because they did not feel threatened.

Now that Congress's power has expanded dramatically, they naturally want to limit it.

Some say that formulating etiquette and laws should be done with caution, while others say that electing members of parliament should be done step by step.

Others want to address the issue through institutional reforms to limit the power of Congress.

Second Grand Secretary Yang Jingchen said:

"His Majesty has changed the court session from once every three days to once every five days, and has decided to attend the parliamentary session on the first and fifteenth days of each month."

"The success of today's joint meeting demonstrates that the parliamentary session on the first and second days of the month was completely unnecessary."

"I believe Your Majesty could hold a joint meeting with members of parliament during the half-monthly court session."

The intention was to deprive Parliament and the Emperor of the opportunity to hold separate meetings, so that they would not make resolutions that the court would have to implement, and the various departments would become the implementers of Parliament's resolutions.

Some members of parliament did not understand the nuances of the matter and were already quite satisfied with being able to attend the Half-Month Court ceremony with court officials.

However, some people are aware of the differences and strongly oppose this.

However, Liu Zongzhou, who was in charge of the National Assembly, was absent, and Qian Qianyi had plans for this reshuffle, so he would not easily offend the court officials.

In the end, it was Chen Jiru, who came from a humble background, who said:
"I object!"

"With so many officials at court and a considerable number of members after the parliament is fully formed, how could they possibly all attend the meeting together?"

"Such meetings, like the unranked court ceremonies of the past, would become purely ceremonial because there were too many people and no business could be conducted."

"To truly resolve issues, there shouldn't be too many people at a single meeting."

Explain why this cannot be done by citing the changed court assembly system.

Furthermore, he equated the distinction between the plenary session and the standing committee session of the National Assembly with the hierarchical structure of the court assembly, believing that the National Assembly should include a monthly meeting with the emperor's participation.

Once the congressional staff realized what was happening, they immediately echoed the sentiment.

Officials such as Liu Lishun who attended the morning assembly also opposed incorporating the National Assembly's monthly meetings into the morning assembly.

In particular, Liu Lishun, favored by the emperor, was not afraid to offend Yang Jingchen and rebuked him in court, saying:
"The National Assembly's New Year and Full Moon sessions are an opportunity for the Emperor to listen to the people's opinions through the National Assembly, and there will be people from the common people participating."

"Is Vice Minister Yang doing this to prevent the Emperor from communicating with the people? Is he trying to stifle public opinion?"

This accusation, modeled after the suppression of free speech, has always been quite damaging to ministers.

In an era where the consensus is that the world is governed by the emperor, his subjects, and the people, suppressing public opinion naturally carries the same destructive power.

Although Yang Jingchen had never heard this accusation before, he quickly realized the seriousness of the matter. If it were taken to a higher level, he would be seen as opposing the shared governance of the emperor, his subjects, and the people, and opposing the restoration of the rites and music system.

Soon, amidst a chorus of opposition, he apologized to the emperor.

Zhu Youjian did not take it too far; after giving a few words of reprimand, he let the matter drop.

However, he was somewhat disappointed in Yang Jingchen, feeling that he was not the kind of person who could coordinate the relationship between the emperor, his subjects, and the people.

In fact, many in the cabinet shared similar thoughts with Yang Jingchen. Grand Secretary Cheng Jiming said:

"The cabinet assists His Majesty in handling state affairs, and I believe that it should participate in the National Assembly's monthly meetings."

"In this way, issues raised by Congress can be handed over to the Cabinet on the spot to resolve the problems raised by the public."

It was suggested that the Grand Secretaries of the Cabinet accompany the Emperor to the meeting to prevent the Emperor from recklessly granting requests from members of parliament in the National Assembly.

Zhu Youjian had read many petitions in recent days and knew that he could not possibly grant all the people's requests.

Having ministers involved can provide a buffer; difficult issues can be directly passed on to them.

Considering the repeated requests from the cabinet members and their seemingly resolute attitude, Zhu Youjian, after deliberation, said:

"A cabinet alone is not enough; ministers who participate in the regular meetings should also participate in the parliamentary sessions on the first and last days of each month."

"This way, any issues can be resolved on the spot, and the results can be issued directly in the name of the court assembly."

"This can be considered a joint meeting, but it is mainly led by Congress."

The addition of officials such as the Nine Ministers prevented the cabinet from gaining more power by participating in parliament.

Congressional officials nodded in agreement, finding it acceptable.

They weren't really confident about how much power Congress would have in the future, so the Emperor brought the Standing Committee there so that their demands could be addressed on the spot.

Although the court officials did not want to act as assistants to the parliament, they were even more unwilling to let the emperor and the parliament make decisions alone. They also agreed to the proposal to treat the parliamentary meetings held on the first and fifteenth of each month as special regular meetings.

He might even become the leader of the New Year's Day Conference and pass various regulations at the conference.

Therefore, they suggested holding a national assembly meeting at the Hall of Supreme Harmony before the Mingtang was completed.

If the new moon and full moon coincide with the date of the morning assembly, the number of meetings can be reduced.

Congressional officials were naturally dissatisfied with this, but since the Mingtang Hall was not yet completed, there was nothing they could do.

As for Zhu Youjian, after neglecting his duties, he was not so enthusiastic about court assemblies. He proposed attending the National Assembly on the first and fifteenth of each month, simply to reduce the resistance to changing the court sessions from once every three days to once every five days.

Now that the five-day court session had been established, the court ministers proposed reducing the size of the parliament. He immediately agreed:

"The National Assembly must hold its annual meetings. If I and the court ministers have other matters to attend to, I will send eunuchs from the Directorate of Ceremonial to participate in the meetings."

"Furthermore, I or the Crown Prince must attend at least one parliamentary meeting every month, and this must be written into the parliamentary charter."

"We must attach great importance to listening to public opinion."

This was endorsed by most members of Congress, who believed that the emperor valued public opinion.

However, some argue that the emperor should attend parliament twice a month, in accordance with the lunar calendar.

However, Zhu Youjian sometimes skipped court sessions and naturally did not want to be required to attend twice a month. He believed that mandatory attendance should be limited to once at most, and that the Crown Prince could substitute for him. To silence these critics and demonstrate his respect for public opinion, Zhu Youjian said:
"On the first and fifteenth days of next month, I will convene the members of Parliament at the Hall of Supreme Harmony for a meeting."

"The purpose of the meeting is to understand the people's sentiments, so let's hear about the election of Shuntian Prefecture councilors."

"Liu Tongzhi, you are in charge of this matter. Draw lots to select a few voters and candidates to attend the meeting."

"I wish to truly understand the people's conditions and not engage in deception."

Liu Lishun immediately agreed, but some ministers had concerns.

They were afraid that these people would say something reckless and cause trouble, so they argued that the emperor should not receive them directly, citing the emperor's safety as the reason.

Although Zhu Youjian wanted to reduce the number of mandatory parliamentary attendances, he immediately refuted this suggestion. He remembered the difficulty Emperor Guangxu had faced in receiving Kang Youwei and did not want such a thing to happen to him.

He addressed the ministers who held this view sternly:
"My palace is heavily guarded, why would I worry about them assassinating me?"

"The Embroidered Uniform Guard was responsible for background checks and body searches to ensure they posed no threat."

“If anyone uses this reason again in the future to condemn someone for obstructing public opinion.”

"The crime of obstructing public opinion should be written into the Great Ming Code, and how to receive the people should be written into the Great Ming Code, as part of the constitution of the parliament."

They fought hard to obtain this power, allowing the emperor to directly interact with ordinary people.

Although he knew these people would have received many instructions before meeting the emperor, making it difficult for him to truly understand the situation among the common people through them, he still had to at least show some respect when receiving the people.

Those who had met the emperor, unless too disappointed, would become his supporters. After all, being able to meet the emperor was something they could boast about for a lifetime.

Zhu Youjian hoped to have more supporters in the capital, so that if he really needed to rebuild the country in the future, he would rely on their support.
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Zhu Youjian was very satisfied with Yuan Keli's plan to rebuild the country under the guise of a counter-rebellion exercise.

This means that his ideas have been accepted, and if things really come to that point in the future, he will have supporters in the court.

Yuan Keli was also aware of his personal motives in this matter, knowing that the old minister wanted to intimidate potential opponents by leaking the information.

Those who resisted the restoration of rites and music would not have been so resolute in their resistance if they had known that the emperor was prepared to reclaim the throne.

Zhu Youjian also hoped to reduce resistance and make more people understand the implications of this matter. He did not want some people to be ignorant and stand on the opposite side of restoring the rites and music.

Ultimately, he didn't want to rebuild the empire and gamble away his rule over the Ming Dynasty.

No matter how confident you are, you must know that "war is a matter of great importance to the state," and even if the chance of victory is great, defeat is still possible.

Even with such a significant advantage, Emperor Jianwen was still defeated by Emperor Chengzu. Zhu Youjian (Emperor Yongle) did not want to wage war within his territory unless absolutely necessary.

He agreed to the exercise primarily as a precaution against peasant uprisings.

Now, the bandits within the territory of the Ming Dynasty have been basically dispersed, and there are no large groups of refugee armies left.

However, some people are scattered in the countryside, and they will be a threat in the future.

Zhu Youjian could not have known how severe the drought would be in the future. Historically, Li Zicheng, with only eighteen remaining cavalrymen, was able to raise an army of a million in Henan.

If local governments fail to effectively implement drought relief and resettlement policies, the displaced militia may resurge during severe droughts.

Zhu Youjian had to consider the possibility of losing Henan and other places, which would require troops along the Grand Canal to quell the rebellion.

Therefore, he immediately approved the exercise as soon as Yuan Keli proposed it.

The Privy Council was instructed to develop an exercise plan and specify the required budget.

This autumn, the Privy Council will organize a Grand Canal drill to simulate a rebellion in a certain area, in which the imperial court will quickly dispatch troops via the Grand Canal to quell the rebellion.

This placed high demands on the canal's transport capacity and the army's mobility. Zhu Youjian hoped to identify problems during the exercises and further improve the new army.

The Shenji Battalion of the Beijing Garrison and the Eagle-wing Army of the Embroidered Uniform Guard will be the main force participating in this exercise. They are the rapid strike force designated by Zhu Youjian.

Yuan Keli knew how troublesome the autumn military exercises on the Grand Canal were, and the Privy Council had more to do than just this. After spring arrived, the Jurchens who had escaped from Liaodong last year would need to be pursued by troops.

The emperor planned to hand over the remnants of the Jurchen army to the nobles enfeoffed in the north, and the court would not spend much money on this matter.

However, the matter of enfeoffment has not yet been decided, and at least this year, the pursuit of the remnants of the Jurchen army will require the main force of the Ming army.

After the start of spring, the Privy Council mobilized troops, ordering Zhang Tongchang, Li Zunzu, and others to lead the army to continue pursuing the Jurchens.

This was the most important matter for the Privy Council; many people planned to gain merit by pursuing the Jurchens and thus elevate their ranks.

Even now, the imperial court has not withdrawn the bounty on the high-ranking officials of the Eight Banners, and the reward for the heads of the Jurchens remains very generous.

Those generals who did not receive a title last year, or whose titles were low, were eager to gain a chance to be promoted by severely punishing those who were down on their luck.

Many of the generals from the Nine Garrisons also volunteered for battle. After the generals from Liaodong earned titles by using their personal servants to perform meritorious service, these people were envious and also hoped to have the opportunity to perform meritorious service.

Yuan Keli could not ignore their demands, so he and Sun Chengzong and others were busy with this matter, mobilizing soldiers from the nine border regions.

The Frontier Committee, headed by Sun Chengzong, was also established and participated in a series of decisions made in the border regions.

At the same time, he had another idea, which was to compile a book called "The Chronicle of the Pacification of Liaodong".

When explaining his reasons to the emperor, Sun Chengzong said:

"The Battle of Liaodong demonstrated the transformation of the Ming army into a new army equipped with firearms."

"His Majesty's 'On War,' written during the war, directly guided the victory in the war."

"I believe it is necessary to compile a detailed war record as a reference."

"When the soldiers study 'On War,' they should also study 'The Record of the Pacification of Liaodong.'"

Zhu Youjian was naturally delighted to hear Sun Chengzong's words.

As the emperor who inherited the throne, whether or not he went directly to the battlefield to make meritorious contributions was irrelevant to him, and the people of the world would not think that the emperor should go to the battlefield.

However, guiding the victory in war and using his own ideas as the ideology for building the army were things that Zhu Youjian always did.

Now that Sun Chengzong, who is ranked first among the meritorious officials of Liaodong, has said this, people of the world naturally cannot deny his achievements or his "On War".

So he immediately nodded and said:
“The Chronicle of the Pacification of Liaodong is indeed necessary, and it should not only record last year’s Liaodong campaign.”

"The battles fought in Liaodong during the Wanli and Tianqi reigns must be recorded one by one as a comparison between the new and old armies."

"By pacifying the Jurchens, we can explain why the imperial court organized and trained a new army equipped with firearms."

"The lessons learned from how the Jurchens grew powerful and how the court quelled them should be left to future generations."

"This book should also serve as a history of the Jurchens, so that future generations will remember this event."

Upon hearing this decision, Sun Chengzong was even happier.

This is because it is necessary to compile the national history of the Later Jin dynasty and give it a definitive conclusion.

Of course, the imperial court did not recognize the Later Jin state, considering it only a rebellious Jurchen, and therefore could not openly compile a national history.

Therefore, the book is still titled "The Chronicles of the Pacification of Liaodong".

As the compiler of this book, Sun Chengzong deserves a place in history. (End of Chapter)