Chongzhen revived the Ming Dynasty

The introduction of the theory of choice and the right to choose has had a tremendous impact.

Because in the traditional order, the right to choose is not encouraged.

Even Zhu Yuanzhang, disliking Mencius's saying "If a ruler treats his subjects like dirt, then the subjects will treat the ruler like an enemy," ordered Liu Sanwu to delete these passages and compile "Selected Excerpts from Mencius."

Therefore, Zhang Pu wrote "On Choice" based on Mencius's view of ruler and subject, which made everyone who read it break out in a cold sweat:
"This Zhang Tianru has a death wish; he dares to say such things."

"Does he want to choose an emperor?"

This was malicious, an attack on Zhang Pu's ambition to become emperor.

Otherwise, why would they quote Ma Yuan, saying, "The ruler chooses his ministers, and the ministers also choose their rulers"?
There were also those who were hostile to Zhang Pu, such as Li Mingrui, who had lost many students and almost become a laughing stock because of Zhang Pu, and who went to his teacher Wang Zaijin and said:

"Master, Zhang Tianru is using heretical doctrines to disrupt the government. Has no one in the Censorate impeached him?"

They wanted to escalate this matter and bring it to the imperial court for discussion.

Wang Zaijin said somewhat wearily:
"Tube?"

"How to care?"

"This was published in your Hanlin Academy's academic journal."

"Who do you think instructed this?"

Li Mingrui's face turned pale, and he murmured:
"My teacher is referring to... His Majesty?"

"How could Your Majesty agree with such disloyal and unfilial words?"

Wang Zaijin rebuked him, saying:
"What do you mean by 'no ruler, no father'?"

Do you think you can choose anything?

“Zhang Pu didn’t even dare to say that the people could elect officials, let alone elect the emperor.”

"And your father, is that someone you could choose?"

"Do you really believe what some idle people outside say?"

Li Mingrui felt a little embarrassed. He only wanted to teach Zhang Pu a lesson and hadn't thought about these things at all.

But remembering the emperor's words about the need for discipline in external communication, he added:

"We can't let heresies disrupt the government; what if the people misunderstand?"

"What if someone actually jumps out and wants to elect an emperor? Wouldn't that be the biggest joke in the world?"

Wang Zaijin nodded slightly, agreeing that this was indeed a problem.

If an imperial censor is willing to impeach someone, I wouldn't mind pushing them aside.

However, he would not take the initiative to attack Zhang Pu.

Knowing how to protect himself wisely, he was unwilling to offend the emperor's favorite because of his disciple's petty grievances.

During his two years in office, he had come to realize that the emperor did not value him as much as he thought.

He appointed himself as the Left Censor-in-Chief simply to restrain Sun Chengzong.

However, after the start of the Liaodong Campaign, Sun Chengzong's position became increasingly important. His role diminished, and he was no longer valued by the emperor.

If Sun Chengzong returns to the capital in the future, he may be dismissed from his post.

Wang Zaijin was unwilling to accept this, but there was nothing he could do.

Because he is already sixty-eight years old this year. According to the new rule of "seven up, eight down," he is very likely to retire in the next term.

This is a new rule established after the retirement system was standardized.

This means that if someone is 67 years old, the emperor may issue a special decree to allow them to serve another term until they retire at the age of 70 in the next term.

If someone is 68 years of age or older, it's practically impossible for them to remain in office. Unless the court absolutely cannot do without them, the emperor will not allow them to stay in office.

Wang Zaijin will be 69 years old by the time of the next leadership transition. He doesn't have any particular abilities that would be valued by the emperor, so it's basically impossible for him to remain in the court.

However, considering that Sun Chengzong might become a duke or marquis, or even return to the court to serve as a privy councilor, he was truly unwilling and submitted a memorial stating:

"Since the beginning of the dynasty, there have been very few meritorious officials who have served as ministers and prime ministers."

"I believe this precedent should be clarified, prohibiting meritorious officials from participating in the affairs of the Nine Ministers and prohibiting meritorious officials from serving as Grand Secretaries."

"Current Grand Secretaries and Nine Ministers shall not be granted titles of viscount or higher."

This memorial, on the surface, restricts the granting of titles to Grand Secretaries and Nine Ministers, but in reality, it also restricts the appointment of nobles to the positions of Nine Ministers and Grand Secretaries.

Even against the backdrop of the Liaodong War, it attracted the attention of many ministers and garnered their support.

Even the Grand Secretary Han Kuang lacked confidence at this time to become a duke, marquis, or earl, let alone be granted a title while in office.

Only Sun Chengzong and Yuan Keli were affected; they were the people most valued by the emperor and who were likely to receive high-ranking titles after the Liaodong War.

Zhu Youjian was relying on them to fight the Liaodong war at this time, so he was very dissatisfied with Wang Zaijin's memorial to stir up trouble.

However, before he could react, Yuan Keli, who was deliberately avoiding suspicion, submitted a memorial supporting the proposal:
"According to the custom of the dynasty: all dukes, marquises and earls, when in office, are in charge of the five ministries and the six armies, when out of office, they hold the seal of general and are the commander-in-chief, and when in office, they are in charge of the capital, the gates and the grain transport, but they are not allowed to participate in the affairs of the nine ministers."

"Your Majesty previously prohibited members of the imperial clan who had passed the imperial examinations from participating in the affairs of the Nine Ministers. I believe this practice should be standardized."

"Even serving Grand Secretaries and Nine Ministers cannot be granted high-ranking noble titles."

Zhu Youjian was puzzled and summoned Yuan Keli to ask him:

"Don't you want to become a duke, marquis, or earl?"

"If they are not rewarded with the titles of duke, marquis, or earl, what incentive do the governors-general and commanders-in-chief who are in charge of the war on the front lines have to make meritorious contributions?"

Yuan Keli said solemnly:

“Serving the ruler is the duty of a subject, and high rank or official position is sufficient to reward them.”

"How can one desire both a high rank and a high-ranking official position in the court?"

"Although I am a Privy Councilor, I dare not entertain such thoughts."

Even Mr. Yangming did not serve as a minister after being granted a title.

It was made clear that one could not have both a high rank and a high official position; everyone had to choose one.

This is a good thing for preventing the emergence of powerful ministers. Zhu Youjian felt Yuan Keli's loyalty to the emperor and said with great emotion:
"If all meritorious officials knew how to advance and retreat as you do, how could the events of the early years of the dynasty have occurred?"

"However, I cannot treat meritorious officials unfairly. All the merits that deserve to be rewarded to ministers must be recorded first."

"When he retires, he will be rewarded accordingly."

He agreed to the regulation and ordered Liu Zongzhou to include it when drafting the rites and laws.

He then said to Yuan Keli:

“Since the court regards Minister Yuan as one of the Nine Ministers, then he should have the powers of one of the Nine Ministers.”

"Issue the imperial decree: The heads of the Privy Council and the Court of Colonial Affairs shall be treated the same as the heads of the Censorate and the Supreme Court, and shall be regarded as the Nine Ministers."

"In the future, the Nine Ministers who regularly attend meetings, as well as those recommended by the Nine Ministers, will also be able to participate."

The status of the heads of the four academies was clearly defined, placing them on par with the ministers of the six ministries of the State Council, all of whom were among the Nine Ministers.

This regulation did not have much impact on Yuan Keli and Huang Lijie, because they had previously been required by the emperor to attend regular meetings.

However, it clarified the status of the two government offices, allowing the Privy Council and the Court of Colonial Affairs to be ranked alongside the other two government offices.

Yuan Keli thanked the Emperor for his grace, then remembered something else, hesitated for a moment, and said:

"I saw Zhang Tianru's 'On Choice' in the Hanlin Academy Journal, and it has also been widely discussed in newspapers."

"Although this matter is not closely related to the Liaodong war, it has a significant impact on the morale of the troops."

"I believe that we are currently at war, and orders should be strictly enforced."

"We can discuss the so-called right to choose when peace is achieved."

These words caught Zhu Youjian's attention, making him realize that his push for democracy at this time seemed to be going too far.

So he readily agreed, saying, "Sir, you are right. Now is indeed not the time to discuss options."

"I will arrange other things for Zhang Pu to divert public attention."
-
After Yuan Keli left, he summoned Zhang Pu and said to him with a smile:

"Tianru was too modest to say she wasn't confident she could write this article well."

"I think you wrote it quite well; even Privy Councilor Yuan was alarmed."

"If he hadn't brought it up, I wouldn't have known that your 'Theory of Choice' had an impact on the war."

When Zhang Pu heard that Yuan Keli had actually complained about him to the emperor, he became somewhat apprehensive.

He wasn't afraid of Han Kuang and Qian Qianyi, but he had to show respect to Yuan Keli, the wartime prime minister.

Because everyone knows that Yuan Keli is the person the current emperor values ​​most.

After the current emperor ascended the throne, the military power of the Ming Dynasty was always in the hands of Yuan Keli.

If Yuan Keli were to drive him away, even the emperor would consider it.

So he hurriedly said:

"The student is incompetent; his article is incomplete, which has caused so much trouble."

"We will be more cautious in the future to avoid affecting the war."

Zhu Youjian nodded slightly and said:
"Being cautious is a good thing; at least it prevents you from making mistakes due to negligence."

"When you become the prime minister and shoulder the weight of the nation, you will know how much damage a small oversight can cause."

Taking advantage of the situation, Zhu Youjian gave Zhang Pu some pointers, then held up Zhang Pu's "On Choice" and said:

"The so-called right to choose independently should be clearly defined as limited choice."

"No one can have unlimited choices, or choose things beyond their capabilities."

"You have to bear the consequences of your choices, and the right to choose must be accompanied by responsibility."

Zhang Pu suddenly realized and understood the so-called right to choose better.

He also understood that the emperor did not oppose his proposed theory of choice, but only hoped it would be more refined.

In response to attacks from some people in the public, Zhang Pu also took the initiative to defend himself before the emperor, saying:
"The so-called choice is only to choose what you can choose."

"Humans are born between heaven and earth, and heaven and earth cannot choose them. Everyone must respect heaven and earth."

"Even the ruler and father cannot be chosen..."

Zhu Youjian interrupted him, saying:

“You cannot choose your sovereign or father, but you should have the right to choose whether to serve a sovereign and which sovereign to serve.”

"Even if I appoint an official, the subject can resign."

"Guan Yu relinquished his official seal and gold, refusing to acknowledge Cao Cao as his lord; this was his right to choose."

Zhang Pu now understood: although the emperor opposed electing a new emperor, he agreed with Mencius's words—

Or rather, they cannot deny Mencius's words and therefore hold the right to interpret them.

Therefore, he hurriedly elaborated on the emperor's words, believing that the subjects' right to choose their monarch lay in their willingness to serve.

Furthermore, because of Yuan Keli's emphasis on strict adherence to orders, he believed that in times of war, when the enemy attacks, subjects have no choice but to evade their responsibilities.

Zhu Youjian nodded in satisfaction and then said:
"The blood ties between relatives should not be severed."

"However, one should have the right to choose whether to deny the marriage or sever ties."

"For example, if a traitor defectes to the Jurchens, and his parents want to sever their father-son relationship and disown him as their child, what do you think should be done?"

Zhang Pu replied without hesitation:
"Of course we should admit it!"

"This is the righteous act of sacrificing one's own family for the greater good mentioned in the Zuo Zhuan."

Zhu Youjian continued to ask:

"What if you continue to enjoy the benefits after severing ties, just to avoid punishment?"

Should the imperial court acknowledge their severance of ties?

Zhang Pu was now in a bind, because according to the current system of collective punishment, if a traitor betrayed his country and sided with foreign powers, his relatives should be punished as well.

If the imperial court acknowledges severing ties, what punishments should be imposed?
The blood ties between these people cannot be severed. When foreign invaders attack in the future, they will naturally enjoy the benefits brought by their traitorous relatives.

If the imperial court admits it, it is giving them a chance to escape punishment.

For a moment, his mind was in turmoil, unsure whether he should admit to upholding justice even at the cost of family ties.

Zhu Youjian then said:

"Governing a large country is like cooking a small fish; the heat must be just right."

"It's unacceptable to have no choice; otherwise, people will feel oppressed."

"But going too far is also not good, so there should be limited options."

"For example, with kinship, the choices are limited because of the unbreakable blood ties."

"Even if one declares that the relationship is severed, one should still bear responsibility because of the blood relationship."

"It's like someone who doesn't want to care for their parents in their old age and bury them when they die, and they sever ties with them on the grounds that their parents are unkind. Does that mean the imperial court should take care of their parents for them?"

“He must be made to pay alimony based on blood ties and the fact that he was raised by him, rather than the court bearing this responsibility.”

Similarly, parents do not have the right to abandon their minor children; they have no choice in this regard.

From the discussion of choices to specific policies, Zhang Pu demonstrated a deeper understanding of the complexities of governing a country.

He was also excited that his theories could guide national affairs, and concluded:
"The right to choose is limited, and the rights and responsibilities should be aligned."

"No one can use the right to choose as a reason to shirk responsibility, and at the same time, no one should infringe on another person's right to choose."

This realization greatly pleased Zhu Youjian.

Let Zhang Pu continue his in-depth research and write more articles.

In particular, it is necessary to coordinate with wartime measures and support the war effort in Liaodong.

It points out that when foreign invaders attack, people are not given a choice.

Especially the bondservant servants under the Eight Banners system of the Manchus had absolutely no choice—

Once reduced to bondservants, not only do they themselves become slaves, but their descendants also suffer the same fate, generation after generation, with no choice whatsoever.

Zhang Pu hadn't paid much attention to this barbaric system before.

Upon hearing the emperor mention it, he decided to study it carefully and use the theory of choice to criticize it vehemently.
-
After discussing these matters, Zhu Youjian then said to Zhang Pu:
"The issue of options is not suitable for in-depth discussion now; we can simply use it to support the war effort."

“You are a top scholar with great talent, but you should not focus on abstract ideas. You need to do something practical.”

"The management methods of Tongzhou Arsenal have shown great effectiveness, but some problems have also emerged."

"You, in your capacity as acting head of the Royal Academy of Sciences' management branch, should conduct research to resolve this issue and develop a system."

"This is a major event concerning frontline equipment and rear production. You must handle it well and demonstrate your capabilities."

"I grant you permission to recruit personnel to join the Academy of Management Sciences; both scholars and those who have passed the imperial examinations are welcome."

Zhang Pu was given the authority to manage the Academy of Sciences, thus pulling him out of the Hanlin Academy, a place full of remnants of the old system.

Let Zhang Pu organize the three-in-one system and take advantage of the wartime control to promote this management method to all enterprises.

Zhang Pu was delighted upon receiving the order and wrote two articles, "The Right to Choose and the Responsibility" and "The Enemy Doesn't Give You the Right to Choose," before entrusting the further refinement of the theory of choice to Chen Zilong and others. He then personally selected personnel to conduct research at the Tongzhou Arsenal.

Those who attacked him were filled with impotent rage, but could no longer find him.

Meanwhile, a group of "scholars" arrived at the Tongzhou Arsenal. (End of Chapter)