Chongzhen revived the Ming Dynasty

Beijing winters are cold, but Han Kuang, emerging from the Wenhua Hall, felt warm all over, as if he had been reborn.

Before this conversation, he never imagined that he could gain so much from the emperor simply by proposing a measure.

This reminded him of what Hou Xun and Jiang Yunyi had said, which he found utterly laughable:

"They see everything as a conspiracy, as if there's nothing else but factional strife."

"This is what they call factionalism and suppression of dissent. No wonder His Majesty wants to restrict those who belong to factions!"

Upon learning of his emergence, Cheng Jiming, who had come out from the East Pavilion to greet him, heard him seemingly speaking and shouted loudly into the cold wind:
"What are you saying, Brother Han?"

"Is this an imperial decree?"

Invite Han Kuang into the pavilion, and tell him not to stand in the cold wind.

Han Kuang smiled broadly and said to Cheng Jiming:

“I’m saying that Brother Cheng is right. From now on, we should be close to His Majesty and stay away from the party members.”

"You have no idea what His Majesty has arranged; he has appointed me to be in charge of all development plans."

"From now on, we will be given full authority over major national plans and policies for agriculture, industry, commerce and other sectors!"

Excitedly recounting his conversation with the emperor, Han Kuang impressed Cheng Jiming and the other Grand Secretaries.

They never imagined that Han Kuang held such a high position in the emperor's heart.

This gave Prime Minister Han Kuang complete power, and even the ability to supervise him.

Yang Jingchen, who had previously been in charge of anti-corruption and judicial affairs, couldn't help but feel a mix of emotions.

Because it was supposed to be his idea to reform the bureaucracy, but unexpectedly Han Kuang beat him to it.

At this moment, he realized that he was a step too late and had already lost the initiative in the struggle for the position of Grand Secretary:

"His Majesty's mind has changed; he's actually giving his ministers so much power."

"Is he tired of being in power for several years, or does he feel he has enough prestige to no longer worry about powerful ministers emerging?"

Sensing this, Yang Jingchen felt that he needed to reassess the emperor.

Previously, the emperor held onto power very tightly, even inquiring about who the Director of the Imperial Academy was.

He rose to the position of Second Grand Secretary by pandering to the emperor and helping him control the Ministry of Personnel, but now he finds that the emperor has suddenly handed over great power to the Grand Secretary, seemingly intending to wash his hands of the matter.

This reminded him of Emperor Shizong, who was very similar to the current emperor. That exceptionally intelligent emperor, after diligently governing the country, went into seclusion in the deep palace to cultivate Taoism.

The current emperor seems to be showing this tendency as well; otherwise, why would he give the Grand Secretary such great power?
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This speculation, though not entirely accurate, reveals Zhu Youjian's hidden intentions—

Under the threat of the Ming Dynasty's demise, Zhu Youjian was on edge, eager to seize every second to strengthen the dynasty.

After several years of continuous effort, even with his young body, he was starting to feel the strain.

Furthermore, with the Jurchens driven out and domestic affairs not something to rush, Zhu Youjian wanted to relax and delegate more responsibilities to his ministers.

Han Kuang happened to bring up domestic affairs, and at this opportune moment, he used his perfectly positioned position to seize the greatest share of power.

Zhu Youjian wanted to give him a try and see if the measures he proposed could improve the situation of the Ming Dynasty.

If you do well, you'll be rewarded; if you don't, it doesn't matter—just replace him with someone else.

This was already part of Zhu Youjian's plan.

Because he regarded the chief minister as the prime minister, responsible for economic development.

For matters that are closely related to the national economy and people's livelihood and involve many interests, the emperor's direct intervention would leave no room for maneuver.

If certain policies are not implemented effectively, the emperor's authority will be undermined.

In particular, the public, who are directly affected by the policies, will have grievances against the policymakers.

Zhu Youjian didn't want to take this risk, so he pushed the Grand Secretary forward.

If problems arise, let them hold the prime minister accountable; you just need to replace him.

He had previously hesitated about this matter, worried that the Grand Secretary's power would become too great and he would be unable to control him in the future. Now, with the great victory in Liaodong and everyone regarding the Emperor as a restorer of the dynasty, he naturally no longer had this worry.

Even without his intervention, Yuan Keli, who had already established his prestige, was able to suppress Han Kuang.

This allowed him to delegate more power and adjust the political landscape of the court.
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However, Zhu Youjian did have some checks and balances on Han Kuang.

Leaving aside the Hanlin Academy and the Academy of Sciences, which were responsible for policy-making, he assigned Xu Guangqi, Shang Zhouzuo, and Li Daiwen to be in charge of the specialized agricultural, industrial, and commercial groups.

These three men were Han Kuang's deputies. Han Kuang had to respect their authority regarding the development plans for the three major industries of agriculture, industry, and commerce. The relevant plans required their countersignature before they could be formally adopted as government measures.

At this time, Han Kuang was discussing with Xu Guangqi the possibility of inviting him to assist him:

"The Emperor has always praised Scholar Xu's talent in agriculture."

"Your appointment to head the agricultural group is to leverage your expertise and be responsible for agricultural matters, especially the promotion of improved varieties."

"Brother Xu, you must help me! Whether the agricultural plan can be implemented depends on you."

Xu Guangqi had no idea that this matter would involve him.

He had been busy enough helping the wartime committee draft its directives, and had barely had a short rest before another complicated matter awaited him.

Xu Guangqi, who was already seventy years old and whose hair had turned gray from exhaustion, wanted to decline the job.

However, considering the emperor's trust in him and the title that had been confirmed for him, he couldn't bring himself to refuse.

After wasting decades of time, and finally getting the chance to realize my ambitions, am I going to turn it down just because I'm afraid of getting tired?
When will the improved varieties developed by the Academy of Agricultural Sciences be able to be promoted?
Forcing himself to stand, Xu Guangqi said:
"Leave the affairs of the agricultural group to me, but please have the Prime Minister find someone else for the position of deputy director."

"I'm currently the deputy director of the Military Intelligence Bureau, and I'm really too busy to handle everything."

As he spoke, he pointed at Cheng Jiming and said:

"Grand Secretary Cheng is also a Grand Secretary, so he can serve as the Deputy Director of the Planning and Development Commission."

He will relinquish his power and actively recommend himself as a key figure.

Han Kuang certainly wanted Cheng Jiming to be the deputy director, so that he could have more control over the Planning and Development Commission.

However, this was not feasible, because Cheng Jiming was appointed as the Minister of Rites concurrently serving as the Assistant Grand Secretary.

As the chief minister, he was responsible for many matters, but etiquette and law were not among them.

If he dared to bring in the Minister of Rites, the emperor would surely think that he was not satisfied with his current power and wanted to seize other authority.

This was something he dared not do now, so he earnestly invited Xu Guangqi to serve as his deputy.

Xu Guangqi could not refuse and ultimately had to accept his fate. Amidst the envious gazes of the other cabinet ministers, he became Han Kuang's deputy.

Then, he began to formulate the first plan according to Han Kuang's request, which was to implement the Eleventh Tax.

This time, we can't just go through the motions like before; we have to implement this in all provinces, and those who fail to meet the targets will be subject to inspection and punishment.

Han Kuang and Cheng Jiming specifically wrote letters to the local officials of the Donglin Party, explaining the pros and cons. They explicitly stated that if this matter was not handled properly, the Donglin Party might resign along with him, the Grand Secretary.

Having already distanced himself from the party members, he showed no mercy in threatening and exploiting them.

Among the governors and viceroys in the provinces today, quite a few are from the Donglin Party. The number of provincial treasurers and judicial commissioners is even greater.

Han Kuang had enough manpower to implement his policies, which was why he dared to discuss domestic affairs in front of the emperor.

Similarly, this is also why Zhu Youjian appointed Han Kuang. Since Han Kuang wanted to reform the bureaucracy, it remained to be seen whether he and the Donglin scholars dared to take drastic measures.

As long as tax revenue can be increased, Zhu Youjian is willing to give them a chance.

At the same time, he instructed the Privy Council to formulate supporting measures.

A new army battalion was to be dispatched to each province to join the governor-general's battalion and suppress any possible resistance.

After driving out the Jurchens, no one doubted the fighting strength of the new imperial army.

Zhu Youjian's measures towards local authorities also became more brutal, intending to use force to intimidate any possible opposition groups. (End of Chapter)