Solovyov in Tsarist Russia 1796.

The nobles of Tbilisi were still a sizable group.

The main reason is that although Georgia's territory is not much, far less than it was at its peak in the early 13th century, it was divided into three parts, resulting in a sudden emergence of a large number of royal families and noble lords. Even if Emperor Renzong of Song were in charge, his bloated bureaucracy would not be a problem.

There are more than a dozen people present today, including the three main branches of the Bagration and the collateral branches. This does not include those who went to St. Petersburg, as well as those from the countryside who cannot be here for the time being.

"Alright, we are here today to welcome Governor Mikhail Sergeyevich from Crimea."

"There are usually receptions here, but we'll talk first before considering anything else. I only brought a small entourage. I came from the military highway and inspected the fortresses along the way, learning about the needs of the Georgian people, both nobles and commoners. Now that everyone is here, the first thing I want to say is that there are indeed many problems with the current tax system. Even though Mr. Hoven has been urging us on this, there hasn't been much improvement."

Solovyov paused here, as he had also considered another issue: the exploitation of local areas by noble lords. This problem was somewhat better in Georgia, because the local nobles provided some protection for the serfs, and even if they committed crimes, the lords would still leave food for the offender's family.

He wanted to leave these people an opening to see what their attitudes would be.

These people weren't stupid; some of them even protected the tax farmers. The gentry who rioted with the peasants didn't include the tax farmers.

Nobles were also subject to taxes, a practice that had always existed. Their contributions to the local areas usually resulted in promotions in status. Without the taxes levied by the nobles, Russia's already strained finances would be further exacerbated.

Solovyov wanted them to speak so he could glean some insight into the investigation behind the scenes, something Hovin and Griboyedov had already done.

What they knew was that some of the nobles in Georgia who recommended tax farmers were able to benefit from it.

Tax farmers only pay a fixed amount to the government, sometimes with a slight increase, but in reality, they can usually save a considerable portion of the tax revenue they receive locally.

Solovyov envisioned that tax collectors would be appointed to replace tax farmers, and tax payment receipts would be issued to nobles, commoners, and serfs who paid taxes. Records would also be kept in the tax department, thus ensuring the collection of taxes and preventing exploitation.

Furthermore, the tax rate will vary depending on the region and the industry.

The British's outrageous tax laws were a huge disaster for Ireland, an agricultural society.

No wonder Solovyov went to Ireland to bail people out; there were tens of thousands of households willing to go to the Qing Dynasty.

Considering that a woman in an Irish household might have seven, eight, or even a dozen children, it's hard to say exactly how many people there are.

After giving these people the right to speak, what they said disappointed Solovyov.

That's right, the "Imperial Envoy" was right. These people said more flattering things than anything useful.

"It's the same as always, no different from St. Petersburg. It's the same there. People might only speak the truth when they're chatting in private."

Solovyov even said this directly to Hovin, who was standing next to him. He was a local nobleman in Vyborg, not far from St. Petersburg, and had heard about these things.

"Then that's the only way. As for the tax collection, I'll say a few words about it later. If you have any questions, you can add them."

Huo Wen had made arrangements in advance. His superior was Yermolov, who was only in charge of commanding troops, which gave him a lot of room for maneuver in the administrative aspects.

Solovyov is knowledgeable in civil administration and business, and since there is no war on his side at the moment, nor is there a separate civil service team, Hovin still has to report to him and present his tax plans.

Compared to the previous tax laws, there were only a few changes: the abolition of tax farmers, the dispatch of tax officials by the governor-general's districts, the setting of new tax rates, the differentiation between industrial and commercial taxes and agricultural taxes, the termination of poll tax, and the collection of agricultural taxes based on coefficients determined by land area and output.

Upon hearing this, Prince Chavchavadze and the other Glovani princes who had come from Abkhazia had no objections. Many of them were either in the military or ran workshops, so the major changes in the tax rates had nothing to do with them.

In Tbilisi, those who sent stewards to do business, as long as it had nothing to do with taxes, were all set for themselves.

Those who had previously "protected" the tax farmers were devastated this time, as they had lost a significant amount of income.

Solovyov did not expect that some appeasement policies would win over the local nobles, but the common people and serfs would actually benefit.

What we should be more worried about is the streets of Tbilisi. If someone hires people to protest or petition, or takes other measures, then it will be no different from 200 years from now—it's all for nothing.

For ordinary people, the meaning of national independence and the attainment of "freedom" is quite different in the context of the strong nationalist atmosphere of modern times compared to this era.

Essentially, it still has something to do with class. Solovyov abolished the poll tax in order to win over the local people. If he were to emancipate the serfs next, he would also have to distribute land to them.

The tax coefficient is set according to the area of ​​arable land and output, taking this factor into account. Naturally, the nobles who occupy good land will be squeezed to take more land from them.

In fact, if Solovyov had been a tax farmer, these nobles would probably have found him very unfriendly and might have even given him a beating.

The problem is that he was the governor, and he made concessions to these people in some ways, that is, each of them took a step back and gave each other face.

If you refuse to compromise here, then you're just asking for trouble.

Solovyov had encountered similar situations before, but this time the group turned the tables on the Tsar.

Of course, local nobles wouldn't dare to cause such trouble. If they were willing to take up official positions or participate in commerce and land reclamation, and were given benefits, they wouldn't cause any major problems.

Georgia's situation is quite unique. When it comes to finding a neighboring foreign power, the options are either the Ottoman Empire or the Persian Empire. However, both of these countries were not powerful enough, and Georgia suffered a lot when it was an independent kingdom.

The benefit of being annexed by Russia was the protection that the Tsar himself could provide.

In the 19th century, when money couldn't be transferred that quickly, this was certainly the thinking.

If some people are particularly outspoken and openly cause trouble, then you need to send money quickly enough, otherwise those people won't put in the effort.

Given the situation in Georgia, if these nobles truly wanted independence, Solovyov had a solution. If he allowed them to become independent, and tacitly permitted the nearby Circassians and Caucasian mountain peoples to attack, given Georgia's limited organizational capacity, they would be in dire straits and would have to beg the Russian army to return.

Of course, in 1822, it was probably impossible to find such a fool.

Ten years later, the "Georgian independence" was nothing more than a group of people discussing it in a salon, like the Decembrists. They did nothing real.
Not only did they not, but insiders were also constantly advising these people not to cause trouble.

Ultimately, Nikolai's attitude was to handle the matter leniently, and not many people were severely punished.

Solovyov himself had always had a good reputation, so the nobles didn't say much after hearing this.

"However, the current situation is not good either, as everyone knows. I have inspected the troops in the Caucasus, and since General Yermolov took over, military spending has remained tight. To ensure the security of the Transcaucasus, we need an army of 6 men, but due to supply difficulties, we only have 4 men here, and they are not even at full strength. If we want to ensure sufficient supplies for the army, we still need to donate."

“Sir, if it is necessary to make donations, it is our duty. All of you here are hereditary nobles of Georgia. We all know that we should avoid war with the Turks and Persians, but they are not honest, especially the Persians.”

"That's true, so I hope everyone can make donations. I will also write a check for 10 rubles myself. This money will be used to repair roads, supply the army, and cover some administrative expenses."

If we consider prices after 1855, these nobles could probably afford 10 rubles.

But now, Solovyov is not short of money, and Mrs. Rykamir has sent him a new checkbook.

A strange kind of usurious imperialist investment, the lady's banking business did indeed extend to St. Petersburg and Moscow, and these checks were cashable.

Seeing this situation, Huo Wen was worried that the governor's attitude was too high, leaving these people in a difficult position, which would cause trouble in the future.

These people might need to sell their estate for 10,000 rubles, so it's understandable that they would look troubled.

Local nobles may hold high ranks, but in places like Georgia, princes are everywhere and lords are treated worse than dogs.

However, their funds were limited. Seeing this, Solovyov spoke up directly: "Don't worry, everyone. There will always be a way to compensate you in the future. You may not be able to come up with the money for the donations at the moment, but when it comes to dealing with the Sultan and the Shah, they won't just sit there. They might even declare war on us. As long as there is a war, I will naturally step in to deal with these guys. You should all have heard of the vast personal wealth of the Great Vizier of Persia."

"Yes, the Shah's trusted eunuch is Armenian, and his nephew is a low-ranking civil servant in Tbilisi province."

Wow, we have this kind of information too?
After Solovyov inquired, he learned that the Persian Shah's trusted chief eunuch was Armenian, and that many of the eunuchs in the Persian court were Armenians.

The Qajar dynasty still retained a strong Azerbaijani style; even the rulers' Persian was not necessarily fluent.

The Shah himself was often in Tabriz, not in Tehran or Isfahan.

The extent of his wealth remains unknown. All that is known is that the jewels possessed by Pahlavi and his elder brother represent a significant portion of the Shah's remaining wealth after he had lost much of his treasure.

This is still a considerable sum of wealth among royal jewels, which gives you an idea of ​​just how rich the Shah was.

However, his gold and silver treasures were all in his vault. He neither took them out to sell them for cash nor used them to reward others. After a defeat, he would melt down the gold and silver. Some of his actions were really hard to understand.

The jewels that Nadir Shah looted from the Mughal Empire were already quite considerable, but this wealth was of little use.

If it were Solovyov, he would have sold everything to come back and use it for construction.

This Persian Shah, greedy, cruel, and incompetent, is indeed an excellent target for making a fortune.

Solovyov was also very concerned about the fact that the Grand Eunuch's nephew was a minor civil servant in Tbilisi province.

If the other party is too young, it seems unlikely to be of much use.

But it will always come in handy in future diplomacy with Persia.

The pledge was very successful. Solovyov raised 63 rubles, which, combined with his own checks, amounted to 73 rubles. The paper rubles could also be redeemed for 50 rubles, enough for Yermolov's army to use for a while.

He was worried about the army's situation; its discipline was generally poor, and a long-term lax discipline would not be a good thing, especially since the Caucasian Legion had been waging a counterinsurgency war against the Caucasian mountain people for a long time.

“Mr. Huo Wen, I will write a memorial to the Emperor explaining the situation.”

"We will have to repay them in the future, which is quite difficult."

“It is terrible if the income of nobles comes only from their estates. Georgian wines are good and could actually be introduced to the tables of Western Europe.”

At this moment, Solovyov thought of his senior's widow, the woman who had been his "best friend" since his teenage years, the "little vixen" of the past, who was probably still fooling around in Paris.

If we ask her for help in promoting the wine at the salon, it would be a good way to open up sales channels, as the wine tastes quite good.

Madame Récamier's salon was more of a literary salon, and she held it much less frequently at her residence on the Mont Blanc Avenue in order to take care of her two daughters.

And the lady was really not good at drinking, so she always sponsored young people.

And in a recent letter from the lady, she expressed her desire to remarry Monsieur Chabaudrillard, but the gentleman declined.

As for Catherine, I've heard of the Empress Dowager's Grand Restaurant, but I've never heard of the Empress Dowager selling wine herself.

It's always easier for someone to do things this way, and besides, as for the quality of Georgian wine, there are plenty of wine lovers among those Frenchmen.

Besides wine, Solovyov has other plans for Georgia's future. (End of Chapter)