Mercenary I am the king

Chapter 1326 The Layout Along the Tigris River
Two hundred meters outside the Parliament building, Song Heping sat alone on the outdoor seating of the "Tigris Shore" restaurant.

The sunlight was so harsh it felt like molten lead was being poured out.

The restaurant's canvas awning barely blocked the direct sunlight, but it couldn't stop the pervasive heat.

Song Heping chose a seat on the outermost side of the terrace, right next to a low stone railing, with the muddy waters of the Tigris River just ten meters below.

This location offers an excellent view.

To the left, you can see the newly restored dome of the Parliament building; to the right, you can overlook the entire Karada district; and directly in front is the Republic Bridge, which spans both sides of the river. On the bridge, Irian soldiers and American soldiers stand side by side next to the checkpoint, each guarding their respective half.

Four men dressed in casual clothes but with noticeable bulges around their waists were scattered around.

Two people were pretending to smoke at the restaurant entrance, one was flipping through an endless newspaper at the next table, and another was chatting casually with a waiter at the bar.

They were all from the "Musician" defense team, and also Song Heping's bodyguards.

In front of him sat a cup of barely touched Turkish-style coffee—that's what the waiter insisted on calling it, even though Song Heping knew that in Baghdad, people were more used to calling it "kahwa."

The rich aroma of cardamom and cloves blends with the distinctive fishy smell of the river, creating the city's unique character.

Decay and rebirth, tradition and modernity, death and resilience are all mixed together.

The restaurant is built on a high platform on the riverbank. It is said to have been the property of the son of a minister during the Saddam era. After changing hands several times since 2003, the current owner is a young businessman.

Tenacious weeds grow from the cracks in the marble tiles of the terrace, and the wrought iron decorations on the railings are rusty, but the tablecloths are white, the tableware is shiny, and the prices are so high that they would deter ordinary Ilgo residents.

This is Baghdad today—everything is broken, everything is barely holding on.

Song Heping shifted his gaze from the river to the opposite bank.

The buildings in the Karada district are like building blocks haphazardly piled up by a giant, densely packed together.

The gaps between the buildings are so narrow that only one person can pass through at a time. Clothes drying on the balconies look like flags of all nations, and satellite antennas protrude from every rooftop like metallic weeds.

Further out, the slums of Sadr City stretch to the horizon, where Muqtada al-Sadr is headquartered and a source of recruits for Shiite militias such as the Peace Brigade.

At least a third of Samir's fighters came from there, and their families still lived in dilapidated houses without running water and with electricity for no more than four hours a day.

The Tigris River shimmered with an oily iridescence under the afternoon sun.

Several small wooden fishing boats drifted slowly downstream, with elderly people on board mechanically casting and hauling in their nets, which usually contained only a few small fish about the length of a finger.

Somewhere upstream, a destroyed chemical plant is still leaking unknown chemicals into the river, but no one cares or pays attention.

After all, the war is still ongoing, and the living have no right to complain.

The TV on the restaurant wall was on, but the volume was turned down very low.

The screen was showing a live broadcast of the scene inside the parliament building, with news reports in Arabic interspersed with simultaneous English interpretation.

"...The speech by Samir Hussein Fadil, commander of the Liberation Forces, sparked fierce controversy in parliament. The Kolde Party explicitly opposed Defense Ministry Proposal No. 44, arguing that it could undermine the constitutionally guaranteed rights of autonomous regions..."

The scene shifts to the parliament hall.

Samir stood behind the podium, wearing his brand-new desert camouflage uniform, the "Liberation Forces" armband on his right arm particularly eye-catching under the spotlight.

Song Heping looked at him like a chess player watching his carefully nurtured pieces step onto the chessboard—there was a strange sense of detachment.

Samir's voice came through the television speakers, somewhat distorted, but you could hear the tension in it:
“We lost 2782 brothers…but we held our land…we need reinforcements…”

Song Heping picked up the coffee cup, brought it to his lips, and then put it down.

It's already cold.

The scene then switches to the questioning phase.

Koldes MP Serko Bakr stood up, his question sharp as a knife: "Commander, how can you guarantee that your troops will not become tools for Baghdad's intervention in Koldestan?"

Then a Sunni member of parliament stepped forward to question: "What is the percentage of Shiites in your troops? Will the reorganization affect the sectarian balance of the army?"

The parliament hall was in complete chaos.

The speaker pounded the gavel, but couldn't quell the mutual accusations among the members of different factions. Shiites accused the Kurds of splitting the country, the Kurds accused the Shiites of sectarian dictatorship, and the Sunnis stood by and made sarcastic remarks.

The Iligo parliament, modeled after the American system, has 328 seats that are divided into at least a dozen party groups, making every vote a mini-war.

Song Heping tucked his left index finger behind his ear and gently tapped the marble tabletop with his knuckles.

Tap, tap, tap, the rhythm is as steady as a heartbeat.

The situation was more complicated than he had anticipated.

No, it should be said that the opposition from the Kolds was more resolute and unified than he had anticipated.

This is not just a matter of dissenting votes, but rather the almost instinctive strategic vigilance displayed by the Kolder Group.

They saw through the geopolitical implications behind Samir's reorganization.

Iligo in 2015 was a broken puzzle.

In the north, the Kurdistan Autonomous Region has been de facto independent for over twenty years, with its own government, army (Peshmerga), border controls, and even oil export channels.

When the Islamic State rose to power in 2014, the Khord militants seized the opportunity to control disputed oil-producing areas such as Kirkuk, reaching the peak of their power.

But now 1515 is in retreat, the authority of the central government in Baghdad is beginning to rise, and the Khords are feeling the pressure.

What would it mean for the Kolds if Samir became a regular officer in the National Defense Forces and controlled parts of the northwestern provinces of Anbar and Nineveh?
Song Heping slowly unfolded the map in his mind.

Koldistan borders Türkiye to the north, a neighboring country that harbors deep hostility towards the Koldistan independence movement.

It borders Iran to the east, is predominantly Shia, and has close ties with Iraqi Shia armed groups.

To the west lies Syria, where the Hafez regime is currently embroiled in a civil war, with the Kurds fighting against the Assad regime and Turkish-backed opposition.

If another powerful, Shia-dominated defense force emerges in the south, then Koldistan will be completely surrounded.

This is not just a military threat, but also political suffocation.

The Khords' ability to negotiate with Baghdad for years was largely due to their strategic location and de facto independence. Once surrounded, their bargaining power will be significantly diminished.

The retreat from a "de facto independent autonomous region" to an "autonomous region that must depend on others" is a consequence that the Erbil Autonomous Council cannot accept.

The television feed cut to the area outside Parliament.

The press conference had just ended when Samir and Yusuf were surrounded by reporters, with flashes of light coming from all directions.

Even from this distance, through the television screen, Song Heping could see Samir's stiffness.

This guy's shoulders were as taut as steel plates, and his gestures were stiff when he answered questions, as if he were operating an unfamiliar weapon.

Beside him, Yusuf skillfully deflected sensitive questions, wearing the polished smile of a politician that seemed genuinely hypocritical and overtly friendly.

Song Heping picked up his phone.

The screen lit up, displaying Abuyu's contact information—not his name, but a code name.

His finger hovered over the dial key, but he hesitated to press it.

A reassessment is needed.

Option 1: Compromise.

The proposal was amended to include guarantees. For example, it could be clarified that the "Liberation Forces" would never be deployed in the Koldeid region, or its size could be limited to a brigade level unit, or a commitment could be made that the command structure must include a certain proportion of Sunni and Koldeid officers.

This could win over some opponents, but at the cost of Samir's independence being greatly weakened.

Once inside the system, these restrictions become ropes binding him. Today it can be said to be "limited to counter-terrorism," but tomorrow it can be interpreted as "not allowed to participate in domestic security affairs."

Samir may forever remain a border garrison commander, unable to enter the core of military power.

Option 2: Trade.

Find out what the Chords and Sunnis really want and trade it for other benefits.

Yusuf has tried bribery—paying "consulting fees" to certain members of parliament, promising engineering projects, and even giving them direct cash in US dollars.

But the Kolds are not short of money; they control the oil fields of Kirkuk and Erbil, generating over $80 billion in annual oil revenue.

The amount of money Yusuf offered was practically worthless in the eyes of the old guard in Erbil; no one paid him any attention.

Option 3: Apply pressure.

Find your opponent's weaknesses, apply enough pressure to force them to change their stance.

Apply pressure.

Ok……

That seems like a good option.

Song Heping picked up his coffee cup, then put it down again.

The cooled coffee was covered with a layer of dark grease, like the oil slick on the Tigris River.

He recalled his phone call with Major General Duke the previous day.

The top U.S. military commander in Iligo, with that typical American pragmatism, told himself:

“Song, all I can do is sign the documents. But the Iligo Council… that’s another world. We have influence, but we can’t give direct orders. You have to find your own way there.”

A mild excuse.

Typical American diplomacy.

They publicly expressed their support, but privately let things drift.

If Samir fails, the Americans can say, "We did our best; it was the Iligos' own lack of unity." If he succeeds, they can claim credit and declare it a "victory with American assistance."

In any case, they maintained influence over the situation without taking direct responsibility.

Washington has been playing this delicate game for over a decade.

Besides, I don't have much time left.

Hurmatu's control needs to be consolidated, and Samir's troops need to be reorganized and resupplyed.

Currently, the funding for the "Liberation Force" mainly comes from three parts: one part is the spoils and funds seized during the attack on 1515, but this is unsustainable; another part is the "donations" from local merchants and tribes, which are actually protection fees; and the third part is the support provided by Song Heping through the "Musician" defense and other channels.

This money is enough to maintain operations, but not enough to expand, and it's also unstable.

If Samir's team is to grow, it needs a stable source of funding.

The formal establishment of the Iligo Ministry of Defense means regular funding, weapons rations, personnel salaries, and logistical support.

This would not only save a lot of money, but more importantly, it would allow Samir to transform from a "militia commander" into a "regular army officer" and enter the power network of the Iligo military.

Yusuf is in politics, and Samir is in the military. If the two can join forces, they may even influence the political situation in Iligor in the future and establish a stable political-military family.

In this country, power is always built upon the combination of guns and money.

Moreover, the 1515 armed group will not accept defeat.

Intelligence indicates that they have established at least three training camps on the Syrian border and are regrouping their forces, seemingly aiming to forcefully open the border crossing and retake Mosul, the western chokepoint.

There are still major battles to be fought in the future.

All necessary preparations must be made before anything happens.

Song Heping finally pressed the dial button.

　Third update!

　　
　
(End of this chapter)