I am a master in India

Chapter 428 Patriotism
Ron thought the New Federation's behavior was really too ugly, and their audacity was outrageous.

They dared to fire shots at city hall officials; do they really think Mumbai government officials are made of clay?
As one of the most powerful gangs in South Mumbai, they are not short of this income.

The wealth generated by Happy Bean Media alone is equivalent to that of several previous businesses.

According to Anand, the new union is now even paying more attention to the passport business, and gold smuggling has become almost irrelevant.

The CD printing plant on Fraser Road is pressing movies for Happy Bean Media day and night, just like a money printing machine.

This business was very profitable, even slightly exceeding the profits earned when Hadhan was in power.

However, human nature is always greedy; people only want more.

Ron sighed. The new Federation was not what it used to be.

With Hadhan around, the gang, though engaged in illegal business, maintained good order.

Now that young people are in power, all sorts of rules are being broken.

Ron gave Johnny a warning in a very serious tone.

Aijie, being selfless and impartial, was not joking; if he said someone would die, then someone would definitely die.

The fact that Ron was notified in advance was already out of consideration for their past relationship.

Ron didn't even think about pleading for him. He no longer needed to rely on an organization like the New Union, even for dirty work.

If Ajay could run into all the radicals in the New Union, things might be better.

Based on his understanding of Johnny, the latter would disdain such a thing as hoarding land; it was too shabby.

After hanging up the phone, Ron turned around and went to tease little Ravi.

Children this age are very easy to please. You may not even need to say anything; simply covering their heads with a towel and then taking it off repeatedly is enough to make them giggle.

It's already December, just as predicted. The financial crisis, which lasted for more than a year, has finally quietly receded with its aftershocks.

The fears of economists last year that the crisis would spread globally did not materialize.

Export trade has flourished again, and the slogan of globalization has been raised time and time again.

India's economy seems to have only taken a nap before it started sprinting forward again without stopping.

The most obvious sign was the surge in Suer mobile phone shipments, which exceeded any previous month's sales.

A few months ago, Ron had spoken with New Delhi, asking the BJP government to support new national products.

Yes, that's right, that's Suer's marketing slogan.

With the support of the theory of Balat Winning, Suer Electric's reputation as a shining example of domestic products has become increasingly secure.

Patriotic brand, truly dedicated to research!
The philanthropist persuaded the executives overnight to set the price of the phone at 8000 rupees.

Suer Electric loses money on every mobile phone it sells.

They make phones so they don't make a profit, and they're actually quite happy about it.

It is said that a user brought a Suer mobile phone onto a plane, which caused a sensation.

The story begins when the flight attendant saw his phone and asked, "What kind of phone is this? It's so pretty!"

This prompted many passengers to leave the man's contact information, and the restaurant manager directly gave him a free meal.

Flight attendants vied to take photos with him and even upgraded him to first class for free.

Look, this is the brand image of Suer Electric Appliances.

High-end has been achieved!

Of course, the support of New Delhi is also essential for achieving great sales.

Ron's second uncle, Adiya, goes without saying; as the Minister of Transport, he has the authority to direct the work of the Department of Telecommunications.

Back when Suer mobile phones were first launched, they went directly through the contract phone channel.

But that wasn't enough; New Delhi added fuel to the fire.

Civil servants who purchase Sull mobile phones are eligible for a subsidy of 1000-3000 rupees.

Each state has limited subsidy funds, which are distributed by region and time period until the subsidy funds are exhausted.

Yes, national subsidies.

Eight thousand rupees might not be a pretty good price, but what about seven thousand, six thousand, or even five thousand?

A mobile phone for 5,000 rupees, and look at the imported goods next door that cost nearly 20,000 rupees, what more could you ask for?

India has a very large civil service, numbering ten million, which includes government employees, police officers, teachers, and flight attendants.
Their salaries are also very high, with a real monthly salary of over 10,000 yuan; otherwise, so many people wouldn't be working so hard to take the civil service exam.

However, the more this is the case, the better the welfare benefits become, such as the national subsidy for mobile phones this time.

In the last two months of 98, 80 units were sold, which was several times more than the total sales of the previous quarter.

Ashish's initial concerns about shipment volume were completely unfounded.

Suer Electric has placed additional orders with Huazi, and the orders for the new chips will double in February next year.

Testing began in March, mass production and inventory preparation started in April, and sales commenced in the middle of the year—everything was perfectly arranged.

The larger the production volume, the lower the chip manufacturing cost. Two million wafers are expected to further reduce the unit price of the chip to around $7.

Don't underestimate the difference of one dollar; that's a profit of forty-five rupees.

Multiplying it by millions results in another enormous number.

With tens of millions of civil servants, less than a million have left, indicating enormous potential.

With the surge in Suhr mobile phone shipments, the construction of signal base stations by Mobile India has been put back on the agenda.

The 600 base stations ordered from Huazi have long been in use and have even undergone several technological iterations.

In the past year, India Mobile has purchased another 500 base stations, mainly allocated to New Delhi and Uttar Pradesh.

The $1.1 million investment essentially brought these three areas under India Mobile's signal coverage. Of course, it only covers the area; there's still a way to go before achieving reliable signal strength and low latency.

To reach the level of later generations, the number of signal base stations would need to double.

With Sur Mobile poised for takeoff, India Mobile is already negotiating with China Mobile for the next batch of base station purchases.

This order consists of 2,000 units, valued at $200 million. It's primarily for preparations for upcoming shipments to Chennai, Bangalore, Kolkata, and Hyderabad.

These are among the top ten cities in India, and 80% of mobile phone users live here.

If the deployment of these telecommunications networks is completed, India Mobile's signal range will officially surpass that of the state-owned Department of Telecommunications (DoT), making it the largest mobile subscriber operator.

With over 300 million US dollars invested, this investment truly surpasses that of the national team.

Ron has come true; he is indeed driving the development of India's telecommunications infrastructure.

The best reason why New Delhi agreed to provide subsidies to other countries is this massive project proposal.

New Delhi is open to providing assistance to entrepreneurs who make genuine contributions.

However, Ron also had his own selfish motives; he was advertising for his Goldwing Company.

He then told New Delhi that the Garuda signal base station was also entirely developed in-house.

To convince them, there's nothing more direct than taking the lead yourself.

If we don't use our own signal base stations, who will?

Once India Mobile is fully operational and performing well, other telecom operators will approach Goldwing for quotes.

It's all business, one link after another, driving the entire industrial chain.

However, Ron took most of the profits from the industry chain, including communication terminals, operators, and signal base stations.

If these plans are fully utilized, the company will at least become a telecommunications giant in the future.

These are all foundational businesses; investing a lot of money is inevitable.

Fortunately, the financial crisis has passed, and overseas trade is gradually recovering.

Ron's savings are slowly recovering, so he's not in dire straits.

Busy as ever, it was already January 1999. Ron was preparing to go to Tamil, but something else happened in Mumbai.

Shiva's army is making moves in the cultural sphere, causing chaos everywhere.

Ultimately, Shiva's Army is a right-wing organization, and Thackeray is well aware of this; violence is ingrained in their genes.

In order to prevent his men from being recruited by gangsters, Thackeray had to find ways to create new channels for them to vent their violence, and thus constantly created new imaginary enemies.

The easiest targets are artists, since Shiva's army, who are mostly illiterate, cannot understand works of art.

Last year, Babayang singer Ghulam Ali held a concert in Mumbai. Suddenly, Shiva soldiers rushed onto the stage, declaring, "We can sing too!" and then chanted in unison, "Long live the Marathi people!"

They say the Shiva Army leader has ordered that Baba Yang performers are not allowed to perform in Mumbai, and Baba Yang athletes are not allowed to compete in Mumbai.

Before the Mumbai public could react, there were no shows or sporting events to watch.

A police spokesperson told the newspaper that the organizers had not received any complaints and that the entire ban on the performance and competition had not violated any laws or regulations.

Of course not. This is a city where a murderer can walk freely on the streets and even have a seat in the highest legislature.

They have power and no fear.

Shiva's army also strongly opposes the film "Love Fire," directed by Jamaat-based Indian director, which depicts a forbidden love between two sisters-in-law in Delhi.

"Just because the culture of grinding tofu spreads like a contagious disease, does that mean women in unhappy marriages shouldn't rely entirely on their husbands?" Thackeray questioned.

He stated that Indian society cannot tolerate "this kind of progressive Western thinking that treats marriage and divorce as a game."

Therefore, under Thackeray's orders, Shiva's army destroyed all the theaters showing "Love Fire" and forced the film to be pulled from theaters nationwide.

As usual, English newspapers published editorials boycotting Thackeray, but none of the Shiva Army leaders or henchmen read English newspapers.

However, in January of this year, Shiva's army finally made a grave mistake.

They targeted the wrong person: Sashin Thanduk, the most popular Babayang cricketer in all of India.

Enraged by the invitation extended to the Baba Yang Cricket Team by the Indian Cricket Commission to participate in a tournament, the Shiv Seni stormed into the Commission's offices, vandalizing the area and even destroying the 83 Cricket World Cup trophy that India had won.

Thanduk was forced to seek police protection, while leaders of Shiva's Army and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) quickly distanced themselves from the atrocity.

Indians love cricket so much, Tanduka is a big star, everyone loves him.

The atrocities committed by Shiva's army aroused public resentment, and even the Marathi people questioned their actions.

Thackeray was caught in a dilemma, but the mob of Shiva's army, the tiger beneath him, was clearly no longer entirely under his control.

This raid was no longer in the name of a particular leader or based on a specific governing philosophy, but was merely a mob's attempt to satisfy their lust for power and to put into practice their terrifying delusions of becoming increasingly brutal due to their incompetence.

They were a group of young Marathi men who worked twelve hours a day doing hard labor, enduring the humiliation and scolding of their wealthy bosses ("They're not even locals!"), before taking the train home.

The train carriage was like a sauna, the air thick and foul, filled with the stench of body odor and sweat. When they returned to their home in the slums, their father, mother, grandmother, and maternal grandmother pressed them for details about how much they had earned that day.

They were constantly reminded of their incompetence, and the only time they felt like men was when they waved the banner of patriotism and claimed to be fighting for national honor in the midst of rioting crowds.

They stormed into theaters, upscale apartments, and the offices of cricket legends adored by millions, smashed other people's trophies, and beat up big shots driving luxury cars, all while gloating over their ability to escape unscathed.

The humiliation accumulated day by day, the scolding they received, the disappointment brought to them by this decaying city that never belonged to them—all of it was washed away by the venting of violence.

The anger of the mob is justified; the larger the crowd, the more furious they become.

Such a collective incites anger, digests anger, further fuels anger, and anger, in turn, strengthens the collective.

Suddenly you no longer feel powerless; you feel invincible; you feel that this city no longer belongs to anyone else, but is finally yours.

You have the right to be angry, and because of that anger, the city belongs to you.

However, this anger comes at a price.

(End of this chapter)