Taichang Ming Dynasty

Chapter 103: Reflections on the launch and some small talk (very long and informative)

My initial thought was to do a general history from the French Revolution to the Russian Revolution, but so far I have only gone so far as to the guillotine of Louis XVI.

The inspiration for writing this book actually came from Bilibili. One day, I saw a video on Bilibili featuring Professor Zheng Jixiang discussing the Red Pill Case and the Palace Move Case. Suddenly, a thought popped into my mind: What would have happened to the Ming Dynasty if Zhu Changluo had died within three months of ascending the throne? (Just like what would have happened to the Soviet Union if Andropov and Chernenko hadn't died.)

When Taichang ascended the throne, Liaodong had not yet been lost, and the two emperors Tianqi and Chongzhen were still children, one fourteen and the other nineteen years old. At the same time, Wei Zhongxian was just an ordinary eunuch with great ambitions but no status. The party struggle had not entered its most intense stage, and many famous officials and capable officials of the late Ming Dynasty had not yet been killed.
I started to think about this topic endlessly, but in the end I couldn't come to any conclusion.

Although the fundamental driving force behind social development is the basic contradictions of human society, it is undeniable that during the period of unified imperial China, the emperor himself was undoubtedly the biggest variable affecting the direction of history within a certain small period of time.

The reign of Emperor Taichang, Zhu Changluo, was far too brief. Most records of him focus on the period before he ascended the throne. Even in these accounts, Zhu Changluo himself is merely a supporting character surrounded by various events (the dispute over his marriage, the dispute over his enthronement, the dispute over the consolidation of the three princes, the dispute over the enfeoffment of Prince Fu, the two cases of the evil book, and the case of the assassination). These events reflect not his personal qualities, but rather the struggles between his father and the ministers.

Even after Zhu Changluo ascended the throne, the emperor himself remained largely invisible in the two major cases surrounding Emperor Taichang (the Red Pill Case and the Palace Move Case). The only highlight was his appointment of Yang Lian, or his entrusting of his son to him.

I've read a few books on psychology and consider myself somewhat capable of analyzing the personalities of historical figures. But with all this information, I can't even draw the most basic portrait of Emperor Taichang. The only certainty is that Zhu Changluo lived under the shadow of his father throughout his life, even after his death sharing the same Annals with his father, the 1620th year of the Wanli reign (the second reign of Emperor Shenzong and the reign of Emperor Guangzong appear in the same volume; the first seven months of are the Wanli reign, the last five the Taichang).

Fortunately, literary creation can break through the limitations of history. The Taichang Emperor, who died young and had a less prominent personality, became the "protagonist", a figure who carries the author's imagination and the readers' expectations.

On a whim, I wrote two chapters of less than 5,000 words in total, and a very rough introduction, and sent them to the editor Qingzhou in the form of an internal submission.

I didn't really have high hopes for my manuscript to be accepted and signed, as I'd never written a novel before and didn't read much online literature. My thought at the time was that if my manuscript was accepted, I'd put my thoughts into writing and share them with others, drawing on the strengths of others while creating a complete and plausible story. If not, then forget it.

Two days later, I received an invitation to sign a contract for the manuscript. Honestly, when I saw that email, I was more apprehensive than delighted. I hadn't prepared a story outline for this recent impulse. Aside from the two chapters and a rough introduction, my document didn't contain a single extra character. But since I had it in hand, I decided to write it.

A parody is not nonsense, and an interpretation cannot be performed randomly.

After receiving the reply email, the first thing I did was to go to Dangdang.com and buy books, just like when I started writing popular history about the French Revolution. I firmly believe that without sufficient historical data to support my work, writing about history is just a perfunctory act and fooling the readers.

I bought a series of academic and semi-academic works, including Professor Fan Shuzhi's "History of the Late Ming Dynasty," "Biography of the Wanli Emperor," "Biography of the Chongzhen Emperor," and "Power Game in the Great Ming Dynasty," Professor Wu Han's "Historical Lessons of the Ming Dynasty," Professor Gu Cheng's "History of the Peasant War in the Late Ming Dynasty," Professor Huang Renyu's "The 1566th Year of the Wanli Emperor," Mr. Wu Si's "Unwritten Rules" and "Blood Pay Law," Professor Wei Qingyuan's "The Glow of the Sunset" (about Zhang Juzheng's reforms), and Professor Zhang Zhimian's "The Court on Horseback" (about Emperor Qianlong's southern tour). I also bought novels like "The Great Ming Dynasty " by Mr. Liu Heping and "Those Things About the Ming Dynasty" by Mr. Dangnian Mingyue.

After purchasing the book, I read and wrote it simultaneously. I stumbled along, combining information gathered from websites like Wikipedia, Zhihu, Bilibili, and Baidu Encyclopedia to create my first work. Even so, I inevitably missed many historical details. Thanks to the help of knowledgeable and insightful readers, I was able to correct or supplement them. For example, in the 41st year of the Jiajing reign, the "Fengtian Hall" was renamed the "Huangji Hall," and the term "Spring Festival" only appeared during the Republican era.

Before I started writing this book, my knowledge of Ming Dynasty history was limited to bits and pieces of hearsay, with no system or structure at all. However, through continuous reading and information collection, I gradually understood the basic personalities of the main characters in my book (provided there was enough information), and also clarified the direction and plot development of my story.

Let's first discuss the story's trajectory and plot development. The late Ming Dynasty (1620-1644) was virtually the last chance for imperial China to embark on the journey of globalization, something readers could accept.

I use the qualifier "acceptable to readers" because, in my view, China was the absolute technological and economic hegemon worldwide until the Industrial Revolution began in Europe in 1800. As long as this behemoth can turn around and modernize its political and bureaucratic systems, China will not need a revival, but will continue to prosper.

(Note: The modernization reforms here refer to clean administration, appropriate decentralization of power, the elimination of systemic corruption, and the end of land annexation. They have nothing to do with aristocratic republics, bourgeois democracy, and the corresponding constitutional monarchies or American presidential systems. The political system reforms of the late Qing Dynasty (the New Deal and the Republic of China) proved that these systems were unworkable in China. Such a large country must have a high degree of centralization, otherwise it would lead to the Southeast Mutual Protection, warlord separatism, and disputes between the government and the parliament.)
In other words, I think it's possible to travel through time and space, and have the Qing emperors, at the height of their power, forcefully promote the Age of Discovery and modernizing reforms. If the two long-serving emperors, Kangxi and Qianlong, were truly possessed by a time traveler, they could have resolutely pursued the path of modernization. However, in real history, the late Qing Dynasty was so humiliating that the people naturally rejected literary works that defended the Qing dynasty, even leading to the saying, "If you travel through time and space and don't rebel, you're like putting a drill in your chrysanthemum." Of course, even if the people didn't object, they'd likely still be rejected.

Based on this, my book will not be limited to saving the Ming Dynasty, but will also set sail and head towards the world.

If the course of history had changed in 1620, saving the Ming Dynasty wouldn't have been particularly difficult—at least much easier than traveling to the Wry Neck or the Southern Ming. Without the golden finger, traveling to the Wry Neck or Southern Ming would have been essentially the same as surrendering to the Nationalist army before the Battle of the Yangtze River. As long as Emperor Taichang didn't become like the Wanli Emperor, he could have accomplished great things.

One of the reasons for this judgment is that Liaodong had not been lost before Tianqi ascended the throne, and the Jianzhou Jurchens were still fighting Xiong Tingbi to the death, but were unable to break him. Under such circumstances, the military expenditure invested in Liaodong was much lower than if Liaodong was completely lost. At least, the Wanli treasury would not have been exhausted in four years, and the Liao tribute would not have been increased year after year.

After overcoming the existential crisis (or perhaps during this process), the protagonist, acting as emperor, can begin to practice the "virtue of the emperor" and become the world's "First Emperor of the Ming Dynasty," bringing about "standardization of instruments and writing systems throughout the land." Of course, if this isn't accomplished in one lifetime, one can "carry forward the legacy of six generations."

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After talking about the direction of the story and the development of the plot, let me talk about the character settings.

In this story, the protagonist's "modern soul" is the only variable in 1620. In other words, there are no cheat codes or unreasonable historical conjectures. The protagonist's soul travels back in time to change not the earlier past, but the future beyond that point.

To be more specific, aside from the protagonist's actions, all previous historical facts and character attributes remain unchanged. This is fundamental, so I won't go into details here. However, as I mentioned earlier, I may have overlooked some inconspicuous historical details, which will require readers to continue to correct as they accompany me in the future.

Preserving the character's attributes is much more complex. The more descriptions and the more detailed the information, the closer the character's personality will be to reality. Conversely, the more interpretation is required.

Due to space limitations, I will give a detailed example, namely the eldest prince Zhu Youxiao, who is a heavyweight figure and one of the core characters of the story.

Judging from the results, Zhu Youxiao did a very bad job in the seventh year of the Tianqi reign, but the biggest responsibility did not lie with him.

A large part of the "Xi" character in the name of Emperor Tianqi had to be borne by his father and grandfather.

I personally agree with the statement that "the Ming Dynasty actually fell during the Wanli reign" (let's put aside Chongzhen's shady actions for now). He was the one who instigated the Liaodong slave rebellion. "Tax Collector Gao Huai had been slashing taxes for over a decade, causing increasing hardship for the military and civilians." This led to the people of Liaodong siding with the Jiannu (Chinese slaves) rather than the imperial court when Nurhaci launched his rebellion. It wasn't until Nurhaci's rampage through Liaodong, killing, and looting, that the border residents began to realize that while the imperial court was a shambles, it was still better than the barbarians. At least the imperial court only wanted your money temporarily, while the Jiannu were out to get you.

Besides the mining tax collectors' devastation of Liaodong's economy and military, his personal "monarch offline system" was also a significant factor. During Li Chengliang's restoration, he repeatedly replaced his governors, "all the governors were mediocre, living a carefree life." Furthermore, "the emperor ignored all the important matters, and the pleas of the border officials fell on deaf ears." Among these mediocre officials, the two worst were the later Li Chengliang and Zhao Ji. Li Chengliang, needless to say, fostered the enemy's influence. As for Zhao Ji, "In the 36th year, Zhao Ji abandoned the 600-li concession in Xinjiang. Xiong Tingbi re-investigated and impeached him, but his memorial was never submitted." The corruption of Liaodong's governors was largely due to the Wanli Emperor's "ignorance," his impunity.

The subsequent defeat at Sarhu also had to be blamed on Emperor Shenzong, who orchestrated the battle, insisting on a war and orchestrating the "imperial decree forcing Geshu Han to leave Tongguan." (Of course, Yang Hao and Geshu Han were not on the same level.) Ultimately, the Liaodong military situation was completely ruined. Without Xiong Tingbi's support, Shenyang would have been lost during the Wanli reign.

I am talking about the Liao Dynasty again because Tianqi appointed the eunuch party, which pushed the party struggle to its peak and the starting point was the loss of Liaodong.

The factional strife between the Eunuch Party and the Donglin Party was initiated by Emperor Wanli. Most of the Eunuch Party were remnants of the Qi, Chu, and Zhejiang factions, while the leaders of the Donglin Party often rose to prominence by attacking Zhang Juzheng. Here, I refute a viewpoint: I believe that it wasn't factional strife that led to Emperor Shenzong's inaction, but rather that Emperor Shenzong, motivated by his desire to inaction, instigated the various factional strife during his reign. To say "partisan strife led to Emperor Shenzong's inaction" evokes the idea that a minister is taking the blame for his father and emperor.

In the early years of the Tianqi reign, Zhu Youxiao favored the Donglin Party, and the "many upright officials in the court" phenomenon emerged at that time. After the Donglin Party gained power, they were determined to "strike back the fallen dog." Not only did they launch a fierce attack on Qi, Chu, and Zhejiang provinces due to Taichang's death, defeating Fang Congzhe, but they also tried to pull down the pole and catch all the enemy party members in one fell swoop.

During this period, Xiong Tingbi was deposed and Yuan Yingtai took over as governor of Liaodong. Shenyang fell as soon as Xiong Tingbi left. Xiong Tingbi later rose again, but the Liaodong situation was already beyond control.

In the second year of the Tianqi reign, Liaodong was completely lost. In the third year, the imperial examination began, and the Donglin Party launched a general attack on the Qi, Chu, and Zhejiang factions. In the fourth year, Wei Zhongxian launched an uprising, and the eunuch party rose in power, persecuting Donglin Party members on a large scale.

The eunuch party was good for the emperor, but not for the country. At that time, the bureaucracy was already rotten, and the Donglin Party members who were persecuted to death by the eunuch party were almost all capable and principled officials. However, the leaders who participated deeply in the party struggles and persecuted the Qi, Chu, and Zhejiang party members were either dismissed from their posts or exiled (while still alive).

Saying that Tianqi's corruption was mostly due to previous events does not mean that I agree with the rhythm of the "reversal trend", that is, "As long as Tianqi is not dead, the Ming Dynasty will not perish."

He ascended the throne at the age of fourteen, barely a middle school student, and his childhood was profoundly unhappy. Taichang was a "softie" to Wanli and an "abusive father" to Tianqi. It's doubtful such a young emperor could manage a successful household in such a time.

Before falling into the water, Liaodong was completely lost, the nine borders were in ruins, there were civil unrests throughout the country, the treasury was empty, winter was approaching, and the Ming Dynasty was doomed.

I've said so much here and there, but the main point I want to make is this: the Tianqi Emperor was not a wise ruler, but he also shouldn't be described as an illiterate with no knowledge and only carpentry skills in his head.

First of all, based on information from various sources, I believe that Zhu Youxiao started studying late but was diligent.

"History of Ming Dynasty, Biography 128, Biography of Han Yu" In the first month of the first year of the Tianqi reign, two people (Han Yu and Liu Yirong) requested that the emperor, as the emperor's grandson, never leave the palace to study. They requested that the lecture on the classics be held on the twelfth day, and that lectures continue from the following day. Their request was granted.

In his poem "A Poem on the Imperial Lectures," Ding Shaoshi, the Tianqi Emperor's lecturer, said: "The Emperor, in his youth, is fond of learning. He attends both the Imperial Lectures and the Daily Lectures. The Imperial Lectures are held quarterly, while the Daily Lectures are held every day, regardless of the season." [Similar to Ding Shaoshi's statement: The Emperor attends the Imperial Lectures every day, inquiring about government affairs and discussing every word.]

Secondly, he should attach great importance to his sisters and brothers.

In "Ming Ji Bei Lue," Zhongxian falsely accuses his stepfather (Zhang Yan's father, Zhang Guoji) of plotting to establish Prince Xin, intending to launch a major investigation. Wang Tiqian responds, "The emperor is always confused, except for his kindness to his brothers and wives. If he were to betray us, we would be doomed." Fearing this, Zhongxian kills the soldiers to silence them.

In August of the seventh year of the reign of Emperor Xizong, the Emperor fell ill. Wei Zhongxian was rampant, and the people of China and abroad were in a state of panic. The Emperor summoned Prince Xin to see him and told him, "My brother should be a ruler like Yao and Shun."

Based on the above, I define Zhu Youxiao as a good eldest son with high comprehension (based on his good carpentry skills), a love of learning, and a respect for his siblings. Given a gentle father, why couldn't he grow up to be a good child and a good emperor?
The settings of other non-original characters with historical prototypes are also basically similar, referring to historical facts and appropriately deducing the logic.

For example, Li Xianshi's power came entirely from her husband. When Taichang controlled her, she was just a quail, and her ambitions were useless. Another example is Wei Zhongxian. Although he was not well educated, he was not illiterate. He was ambitious and extremely cruel, but he was not useless.

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Let’s talk about the plot logic and answer some readers’ questions.

First, the Society of Jesus.

Based on various sources, I've divided the Jesuits into factions: conservatives, reformers, and the young. In order to introduce each representative figure and lay out the underlying logic of the Jesuits' actions, I've devoted considerable space, sparking controversy, but I believe this is necessary. Many people lack understanding of, or even misinterpret, overseas missionaries and their relationship with the Ming Dynasty.

Some readers harbor profound misunderstandings about the Jesuits, some even claiming that Jesuits, taking advantage of Xu Guangqi's access, stole the Yongle Encyclopedia to advance Western science and technology. However, the truth is that the original copy of the Encyclopedia is nowhere to be found (possibly destroyed in a fire), while a copy survives in the Imperial Archives (overseen by the Imperial Secretariat). Rather than calling Xu Guangqi a traitor, it's more accurate to say that Emperor Jiuqian sold out his country. Furthermore, the widespread dispersal of Jiajing copies of the Encyclopedia occurred in the late Qing Dynasty, not the late Ming. Furthermore, the Encyclopedia is a collection of encyclopedias, similar in nature to the Complete Works of Ancient and Modern Books compiled during the Kangxi reign. The Encyclopedia records not the scientific achievements of the Ming Dynasty, but rather the astronomical, geomancy, ethics, and Neo-Confucianism of the Song, Yuan, and earlier dynasties. Rather than accusing Westerners of stealing Ming scientific achievements, it's more accurate to say they stole the technological successes of the Yuan and Song dynasties.

To the Jesuits at the time, the Ming Dynasty was a paradise on earth. Returning missionaries to Europe also promoted the Ming Dynasty in this light. (Of course, their perspective was limited, as they were mostly wealthy, living comfortably in the vast, prosperous cities along the Grand Canal. They rarely ventured into the countryside, and their associates were primarily scholars and prominent figures.) If the Ming Dynasty had persisted, pursued modernization reforms, and joined the Age of Exploration, it wouldn't have been impossible for Eastern learning to spread westward, even domesticating Christianity. After all, Chinese civilization had a history of domesticating various religions.

The second is technology.

Some readers may think the development of steam engines during the late Ming Dynasty was irrational, but it was actually quite reasonable. The world's first operational steam engine was the Newcomen engine, invented by Englishman Thomas Newcomen in 1705. Its purpose was to pump water. Its structure was extremely simple: a steam generator (boiler), a condensing cylinder, a wooden transmission mechanism, and two manually operated valves. For the Ming Dynasty in 1620, the Newcomen engine presented no technical challenges and was practically feasible. The Watt engine, developed in 1769 based on the Newcomen engine, was also not overly complex. Most importantly, early steam engines lacked prerequisite technology, and their only knowledge bottleneck was an understanding of the principles of air pressure and vacuum. Anyone who could smelt iron could build one. Rubber wasn't even considered a viable option (the vulcanization process for rubber was invented by Americans in 1839).

What hindered the invention and large-scale application of the steam engine wasn't a lack of knowledge or technology, but rather economic and market factors. The Newcomen engine was invented to reduce the cost of pumping water from mines, but there was no demand for this in the late Ming Dynasty. For the then-underdeveloped mining industry, there was no need for a steam engine to reduce costs, as costs were already low; draining and mining could be done with just humans and animals.

The widespread adoption of the Watt engine in Britain was due to the British using force and dumping to completely destroy India's cottage industries, turning India from a surplus economy into a deficit economy (India lacked the concept of a nation). This vast, cheap textile market was the prerequisite for British capitalists to apply steam engines to textile production. Had India had a strong, centralized dynasty to withstand British military and economic colonialism, the Industrial Revolution might have been delayed.

Therefore, I believe there was no problem developing a steam engine in 1620. The protagonists were modern humans, who understood the principles of air pressure and vacuum. As long as they could develop domestic or overseas markets, they could lay the economic foundation for large-scale application of this technology, putting technology in the hands of civilized people, rather than a bunch of barbarians scalping Native Americans.

So based on the above two points, I must write about early industrialization and the Age of Discovery.

Finally, let’s talk about the value of the title of emperor in the Ming Dynasty.

The Ming Dynasty's system guaranteed the emperor's supremacy: the highest administrative divisions were divided between the Inner and Outer Courts, and only by uniting the two could the emperor be overthrown. However, the existence of the Imperial Guards, a secret service, and the separate and independent nature of the various armed forces in the capital, ensured that the emperor could reclaim power if he wished.

Although the Imperial Army's combat effectiveness was meager, it was controlled by relatives of the emperor who lacked administrative power. The Imperial Horse Guards were managed by the Imperial Stables, a separate group from the Imperial Household Department. The Imperial Household Department oversaw the Eastern Depot and the Embroidered Uniform Guard, but it could not mobilize the Imperial Stables' Imperial Army. Even if the two departments colluded, the external and internal armies would still contain each other. The Imperial Army could not attack the Imperial Palace, and anyone in the Imperial Household who attempted to assassinate the emperor would be killed. This ensured the emperor's absolute control over the military forces of the capital.

As for the civil servants plotting to murder the emperor, even if we set aside the various factions within the civil service and consider them as a whole, how could they have circumvented the imperial guards and reached into the imperial palace? Honestly, I can't imagine it.

The Zhuozhongzhi first records the emperor's drowning in the fifth year of the Tianqi reign, but it doesn't comment on the incident, simply stating the fact. The emperor died in the seventh year, two years after his drowning. Furthermore, the only people guarding him at the time of his fall were eunuchs. Rather than accusing the emperor of being murdered by civil servants, it's more accurate to say that Wei Zhongxian orchestrated the assassination.

Without concrete evidence, speculation is meaningless. Rather than speculating that Zhu Youxiao was murdered, it's better to say that, like his father, he died from excessive sexual activity or excessive medication. The red pills his father took were presented by a civil servant, as recorded in official history. But can we say that a civil servant murdered the emperor? I think not.

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At the end of the chat, I will talk about the setting of the protagonist and my understanding of the Qing Dynasty.

In my opinion, based on historical materialism, the best reform strategy for the late Ming Dynasty was to continue strengthening the centralized imperial system, making the emperor more absolute, and modernizing the bureaucracy from top to bottom. The Qing Dynasty, on the other hand, reached the pinnacle of imperial centralization since the Qin Emperor. Compared to the system that originated under Zhu Yuanzhang, the Qing Dynasty's central political system and imperial harem offered many avenues for reform that could be leveraged to overcome shortcomings.

Furthermore, the Qing dynasty was the final founder of a modern civilized nation-state (as opposed to a Western nation-state). It laid the territorial and ideological foundation for the concept of "fifty-six ethnic groups as one family." Zhu Yuanzhang, in fact, had similar philosophies, acknowledging the Mandate of Heaven of the Yuan Empire and claiming himself as the new Mandate of Heaven after the "end of the Yuan dynasty."

I tell the Emperor this: Since the end of the Song dynasty, the Emperor, known as the Immortal, has come to China from the desert and become the ruler of the world. He has ruled over China for over a hundred years, serving as ruler and minister, father, son, and grandson. Now, his reign has also ended. All of my humble servants have said that the people are without a ruler, and they must honor me with the title of Emperor. I dare not refuse.

After founding the country, Zhu Yuanzhang showed no discrimination against non-Chinese ethnic groups. Mongols, Semites, and others, as long as they assimilated to Chinese culture, were protected. Mongols, Semites, and Han Chinese were all employed based on their merit, with some even reaching high positions within the court, such as vice ministers and chancellors. (Subsequent emperors, however, discontinued this policy and instead adopted a long-standing policy of supporting the weak and suppressing the strong. The reasons for this are a question worth pondering, but I won't delve into this here.)
The last person to do so was Emperor Taizong of Tang, who implemented the policy of "keeping their tribes intact and following their local customs" towards the Khitan and other nomadic peoples. They all regarded themselves not only as the emperor of Han, but also as the ruler of the world.

The Qing rulers, represented by Kangxi, Yongzheng, and Qianlong, used intermarriage between Manchus and Mongols and the recognition of Tibetan Buddhism to culturally align the Mongolian and Tibetan tribes with the central government, incorporating Mongolia, Tibet, and other regions into the "world." The ultimate result was that the conflict between the north and the south shifted from external to internal. The unrest in Mongolia and Tibet shifted from "border conflict" to "rebellion."

The most direct example is that these regional powers, faced simultaneously with the Tsarist regime in Moscow further north and the Qing imperial regime in the southern capital, identified themselves with the south rather than the north. Expanding the scope of "Tianxia" required more than force; it also required blood ties and cultural connections.

The early Qing dynasty provides a good example, while the late Qing dynasty serves as a negative example. The problem with the late Qing dynasty was that it prioritized defense against Han Chinese over defense against foreigners. This conservative mentality was evident throughout the Westernization Movement, the Hundred Days' Reform, and the various official reforms of the late Qing New Deal. The essence of this "defense against Han Chinese over foreigners" was the Qing regime's self-limitation, its tendency to alienate itself and become a minority, a self-isolation from the rest of the world.

Therefore, based on this, I will set the protagonist as the only variable as the materialist Qing history researcher.

P.S. The practice of singling out the Qing dynasty and treating it as a wholly foreign entity actually began with Westerners, allowing them to deconstruct civilizational China according to their own nationalist historical perspective. To put it bluntly, they simply believe multi-ethnic unity is illogical and seek to divide us. We should seek truth from facts and objectively analyze its successes and failures.

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At the end of the chat, I would like to thank you all for your support and corrections.

Your support gives me the motivation to think deeply and continue creating.

Your corrections not only helped me fill in the historical details that I had not noticed, but also pointed out the structural problems in the story arrangement.

In my future writing, I will continue to maintain this writing style, and polish the details to improve the relationship between characters and characters, and between characters and the plot.

As for the burst of updates, I've tried my best. Lately, I've been so busy that I haven't been fully committed to writing. To maintain 4 words a day while keeping the logic flowing, I have to stay up until or a.m. The few updates I managed to save have been completely wasted due to the delays I've been unable to leave.

I can earn more money by updating more frequently, and of course I like money, but I won't sacrifice the quality of my work for more frequent updates.

In fact, the editor contacted me more than ten days ago and asked me if I would like to put it on the shelves, but between the novice four-wheel push and the explosive replacement weather vane recommendation, I chose to postpone the put on the shelves and finish the four rounds.

These extra free chapters are my reality and helplessness. They can also be regarded as my apology to readers for not being able to upload the chapters as usual.

It will be on the shelves tomorrow. I hope you will support and give me more suggestions.

(End of this chapter)