Technology invades the modern world

Chapter 487 The Lament of Wandering Souls

Even greater benefits?
Nixon and Kissinger looked at each other in bewilderment.

They simply couldn't think of any greater benefit than geopolitical and economic advantages.

Could it possibly end the Cold War directly?

The two waited quietly for Lin Ran's explanation.

"We also cannot ignore the moral value of this strategic shift."

This will be its most lasting benefit.

Currently, global public opinion is nailing us to the cross of morality.

We are arrogant warmongers, power machines unwilling to compromise.

This image has not only alienated allies in Europe, but has also sparked unprecedented division and protests domestically.

Our young people no longer believe the White House's narrative.

After Lin Ran finished speaking, Kissinger added: "That's right, even the professor's private affairs in Europe were interpreted by the media as the professor's personal behavior and were not linked to the White House."

This actually reflects the world's deep distrust of America's official narrative.

People don't believe the White House acts morally, or that we would morally persuade royal women to divorce, even though we've made significant progress in civil rights and advocating for women's rights in the past.

Lin Ran nodded and said, "Contacting China and jointly reshaping the Southeast Asian economy will completely reverse the current situation."

Imagine: how will the focus of global media shift when the White House announces the start of dialogue with China?
All the front-page headlines would shift from the quagmire of the Vietnam War and royal gossip to President Nixon opening the door to peace for a billion people.

This is a historic reconciliation that transcends ideology.

And this is not a betrayal, Mr. President. You said before you were elected that there is no place on this small planet for a billion of the most capable people to live in angry isolation.

You wrote this in your article "Post-Vietnam Asia" published in Foreign Affairs, and you are doing it now.

This demonstrates consistent strategic resolve and the courage to transcend ideology.

We are no longer the colonialists trapped in Southeast Asia, trying to solve everything with military force.

We will reappear on the world stage as a visionary global peacemaker who dares to break the Cold War deadlock.

This will also resolve our biggest moral dilemma: how to withdraw from Annan with dignity?

Lin Ran tapped the table, his tone full of persuasion, or rather, convincing.

"If the withdrawal of troops is only due to defeat or economic difficulties, it will give domestic and foreign opponents a pretext to criticize it."

However, if the withdrawal is for a higher geopolitical goal, such as joining forces with China to build a more lasting system of stability and prosperity in Asia, then it acquires a completely new and morally impeccable grand narrative.

We are not fleeing the war; we are redeploying our forces for a greater peace.

Our sacrifices and efforts ultimately led to the integration and reconciliation of one-third of the world's population.

This narrative was able to appease domestic anti-war sentiment, silence critics, and earn President Nixon a transpartisan, historic legacy.

It won't be long before it's 1970, and in the presidential election two years from now in 1972, we just need to compare photos from the past and the present.

We aim to give the public a sense of shared understanding that we are creating peace, prosperity, and reconciliation in Southeast Asia.

We used data to prove that war was for the sake of prosperity, and that we contributed to the prosperity of the region.

President Nixon, no one can compete with you.

After listening, Nixon leaned back in his chair with satisfaction.

That's so well said; it's exactly what he wants from every angle.

A new identity that would allow him to completely extricate himself from the moral quagmire of war and leave a lasting mark on history.

He can gain elections, fame, and the economy.

Nixon felt even more contempt for Johnson at this moment. With a professor in the White House, how could you do such a poor job? You're just too useless.

"The benefits the professor mentioned don't stop there," Kissinger added. "It's like Hong Kong setting an example for Southeast Asia, persuading other Southeast Asian countries to act as models."

Similarly, ASEAN, comprised of Southeast Asia, can serve as a model for Europe.

Why can't Eastern and Western Europe cooperate economically?
There are existing case studies, existing experience, and existing cooperation models.

Why not?
What will Eastern European countries think once they see their Asian counterparts gaining huge tangible benefits, technological advancements, and improved living standards through this kind of economic integration?
The people of Eastern Europe would crave this kind of cooperation!

They will pressure Moscow to participate in this cross-campal prosperity that could improve living standards.

“But Moscow will not allow it,” Kissinger predicted firmly. “The foundation of Soviet Russia’s power was the purity of its ideology and its economic monopoly.”

They do not allow satellite states to enjoy the efficiency and prosperity brought about by the market economy.

And that, Mr. President, is precisely the brilliance of this strategy.

The moral dilemma we face now is: why should we fight a war at all costs?
Through the successful case in Asia, we will deliver this moral dilemma to Soviet Russia in a more tragic and direct way.

They will face a dilemma.

If Soviet Russia forcibly prevented economic contact between Eastern and Western Europe and rejected the aspirations of the people of Eastern Europe for a better life, then global public opinion and the people of Eastern Europe themselves would regard Moscow as an obstacle to peace and prosperity.

Soviet Russia will have to face a conscience and moral dilemma that is even more difficult to resolve than we have in Annam.

If Soviet Russia had allowed economic cooperation with Eastern Europe, its ideological control over Eastern Europe would have inevitably been weakened.

In other words, we countered Soviet Russia with a moral dilemma based on humanity and economic interests that could not be resolved by military force.

We should extricate ourselves from the stigma of warmongering and let Moscow play the dark role of suppressing people's well-being and hindering global reconciliation.

Nixon was thrilled after hearing this. The insidious and brilliant nature of the strategy made him fantasize that he would be crowned the founder of the Cold War victory once the Cold War ended.

"Let's open the door to a new world!" Nixon clapped.

Lin Ran watched as Nixon was immersed in the fantasy of victory, unaffected by this emotion. He knew that the most difficult step was yet to come.

He had to bring the president back to the harsh reality.

“Mr. President,” Lin Ran reminded him at the right moment, maintaining his usual calm tone, “there is only one problem left, and that is to persuade Yanjing.”

During my communication with their representatives in Nice, they were definitely interested in the proposal; no one can resist the economic and strategic benefits at this level.

But I'm not sure they'll choose this kind of collaboration.

Lin Ran explained, "Yanjing also has concerns similar to those in Moscow."

Lin Ran's words were like a bucket of cold water, extinguishing some of Nixon's enthusiasm.

Nixon sat back down in his chair, frowning.

Kissinger immediately understood; he knew that he had to push the president to accept the reality that "victory comes at a price."

“Mr. President, Yanjing may want something else,” Kissinger said in a low voice. “The professor’s proposal is a huge financial check, but they need a political guarantee, but I think we can talk about that.”

Nixon's expression began to show struggle. He knew, of course, what China wanted. These things touched his bottom line and also stirred the nerves of the conservatives at home.

But he quickly thought of his title as a founder of the Cold War, the threat of a dollar crisis, and the bottomless pit of the Vietnam War. Ultimately, the desire for a great historical legacy outweighed his fear of short-term political risks.

Historically, he also made a choice: Nixon chose reconciliation, taking enormous political risks.

In this timeline, faced with a larger opportunity, he made the same choice.

This cake is much bigger than the cake in the original timeline.

Nixon abruptly waved his hand, his eyes revealing a resolute determination: "Enough! If this dialogue can get us out of the quagmire, give us a strategic advantage over the Soviet Union, and resolve the dollar crisis, then it will all be worth it!"

He looked at Kissinger and authorized him: "Henry, you will continue to be in charge of communication with the secret channels in Yanjing."

Our bottom line is that we will show the utmost sincerity as long as they are willing to participate in the economic integration plan.

Nixon's gaze finally settled on Lin Ran, his eyes filled with entrustment to the executor: "Professor, continue to provide your strategic ideas and technical details."

In order to achieve ultimate victory, we can make certain concessions.

What we need is not a stalemate, but a workable solution that can change the world.

Now, nothing is more important than this!

Nixon's words definitively signaled a shift in the strategic focus of the White House's highest levels.

Georgetown, Washington.

A Chinese restaurant called Yanjing Palace is known for its private services to Capitol Hill and State Department officials.

This is the most upscale Chinese restaurant in all of Washington, D.C.

It was the first day of November, a gloomy Tuesday afternoon.

Chen Wende, 34 years old, secretary of the intelligence analysis department, sat upright at the dining table.

Sitting next to him was his superior, advisor Gao Mingyuan.

Sitting opposite the two was Liu Kai, their direct superior and the person in charge in Washington.

Liu Kai served as an assistant to Gu Weijun when Gu Weijun was the head of the Chinese delegation at the Dunbarton Oaks Conference, and was present when Gu Weijun visited Sir Harfrank, the head of the English delegation.

Gu Weijun visited Secretary of State Steinness, and later, when Steinness invited Gu Weijun to his farm in Virginia, Liu Kai was also present.

This is Liu Kai's 40th year in diplomatic work, and also the most suffocating year for him.

"Wende, tell me about that New York Times editorial again." Liu Kai didn't look at the menu, but just gripped the glass of ice water in his hand, making a dull sound.

Liu Kai traveled all the way from New York to Washington, not for any other reason than the increasingly dire situation.

This situation made him feel suffocated; Washington, Beijing, Hong Kong, Taipei
Pressure from all sides has placed him at the center of the storm.

"Yes, representative." Chen Wende pushed up his black-rimmed glasses; he knew what his superior's superior was asking.

That report caused a huge uproar throughout the entire industry.

"At the United Nations Headquarters in New York on October 17, the General Assembly will begin its debate on China tomorrow morning. The positions of the 131 member states are so close that it is still impossible to predict the outcome of the debate at this time."

A poll completed last night by The New York Times showed that if the first vote were to be held tomorrow…

"White House officials have privately stated that they should no longer hold the same position as the former Belgian Congo and Upper Volta region; they should not be obstacles, and they should advocate for an invitation."

(In the original historical account, the New York Times published a report by Henry Tanner on October 18, 1971, titled "Serious Divides Emerge at the UN on the Eve of Debate in China")

It mentions that America was the first person in history to advocate for inviting China to join the United Nations, just seven days before October 25, 1971.
Liu Kai interrupted him, his voice low and sigh-like: "No need to say it."

I received a report from the United Nations delegation.

They said that America's delegation had reduced its lobbying efforts to a significantly lower level in front of African allies.

In the past, they were hardliners who demanded our votes; now, they simply say, "Please consider the interests of the free world."

Chen Wende's heart skipped a beat; this was an inside story he had never known before.

Their UN seat is their lifeline; without it, they will lose their official status and become lost souls on the international stage.

The difference between them is too obvious.

Diplomatic language was first used by the West, so they couldn't possibly be unaware of the profound meaning behind these subtle differences. In fact, these are not subtle differences at all, but worlds apart.

He finally understood why Liu Kai had aged so much in just two months since he last saw him.

"They want us to accept it and let it into the United Nations."

"This is a test, or perhaps the prelude to abandonment," Gao Mingyuan sighed.

Liu Kai put down his water glass and said in a betrayed tone, "If this were Truman's time, such a test would be seen as an insult to an ally."

But now, the White House's weariness with the past narrative is written all over its face.

We have encountered the worst of times.

Liu Kai lowered his voice and revealed an even more unsettling piece of news: "Last week, I contacted the Assistant Under Secretary of State for Asian Affairs through private channels."

When I asked him about his position, he replied, "In the professor's strategic blueprint, Asia needs a completely new security architecture based on economic interdependence rather than ideological isolation."

He even mentioned Asian economic integration and our technological value within it.

Gao Mingyuan's breathing was heavy; he wanted to curse. If he hadn't known he was in Washington, he would have already lost control of his anger: "Technological value? It means we are a political entity, not a factory! This is simply..."

“It was betrayal, Mingyuan,” Liu Kai finished the cold word for him. “You’re right.”

Everything the professor advocates replaces ideology and loyalty with efficiency and profit.

He used a larger and more enticing economic pie to deflect moral blame from America and the international community for the Vietnam War.

In this transaction, what we relied on in the past has depreciated.

"Why does the professor harbor such great malice towards us?" Chen Wende asked in a low voice, as if searching for an answer.

Liu Kai said quietly, "The professor meant no harm. He wasn't targeting us. He wouldn't even consider us as objects of malice."

He was just calculating.

He was a thorough realist, a mathematician who only cared about efficiency and ultimate benefit.

Everything the professor did was for America.

His strategic vision was to maximize America's interests, and any obstacles that could not be integrated into the plan would be removed or replaced.

Our biggest frustration is that the current president is Nixon, who is also a thorough realist.

They communicated so easily, without any moral barriers.

All our past feelings and expectations of him, all our sense of national identity, were wishful thinking and fatal illusions.

In his eyes, we were merely a geopolitical symbol, a bargaining chip.

(End of this chapter)