Writer 1879: Solitary Journey in France

Chapter 515 Unpredictable Chain Reaction! (Bonus Chapter 1)

Jules Ferry, who hadn't slept all night, was the first to react, quickly turning to the ashen-faced Prime Minister Fressine: "Charles, do you understand what this means?"

Fressine rested his forehead on his hand and shook his head wearily: "It means the trouble is even bigger. With these people from the cultural world getting involved, public opinion will completely spiral out of control!"

Jules Ferry stood up: "No! Their presence means that, from this moment on, the option of 'violent repression' has disappeared for the most reasonable reason!"

We no longer need to be torn by this option! No one will blame us for being weak or compromising!

Even the Minister of War, Koschbrück, could not deny this; he was impulsive, but not stupid.

Prime Minister Fresine also began to realize this—he certainly knew the power of art!
The Third Republic itself was built upon various narratives—narratives of freedom, narratives of progress, narratives of republic.

Today, if these artists, who are most adept at shaping narratives, were to collectively turn their paintbrushes and pens against the government and depict a “repression of civilians”...

That would not just be a political crisis for his cabinet, but a legitimacy crisis for the entire Third Republic system.

Jules Ferry walked back to the table: "This is a golden opportunity to turn things around! Now, no one will criticize us for not taking drastic measures to stop this from happening."

He looked at Frésiné, a cruel smile playing on his lips: "Even if there is, it is the responsibility of Mathieu, Lefebvre, Gouen, and Bergé."

Their desertion undermined the government's resolve and unity in dealing with the crisis. History will remember their cowardice, but it will remember our courage and sense of responsibility!

Fressine's eyes slowly brightened; he understood completely!

Jules Ferry began to demonstrate his political acumen: "We need to shift from being 'passive executors in a crisis' to 'active initiators of legitimate processes'."

The government cannot bow to the occupiers, but it can invite the system to take over the problem…

----------

Twenty minutes later, Prime Minister Charles de Frésiné stood on the rather empty steps in front of the main building of the Palais Bourbon.

He had changed into a dark formal suit, his expression was solemn, but he still looked calm and composed.

Facing reporters, Frésiné began: "Citizens, regarding the public events currently taking place at the stock exchange and the Bank of France, according to reports from the Paris Police Prefecture and the on-site commander as of now—"

I must say I am very pleased that everyone remained extremely peaceful and restrained, with no attacks on public buildings or violence against officers on duty.

Similarly, the military and police personnel maintaining order at the scene demonstrated professional discipline and patience, avoiding any actions that could escalate the conflict.

It is precisely because of this restraint on both sides that public order in Paris has not been completely disrupted so far!

He paused, and after a long while, he carefully chose his words to state: "Based on the above facts, the current incident cannot be characterized as a 'riot' or a 'disturbing incident'!"

This statement, like a sharp knife, cut through the term "riot" and also severed the legal basis for subsequent accountability measures.

A murmur arose among the reporters.

Fressine raised his voice: "Therefore, as Chairman of the Council of Ministers, I hereby solemnly announce that the government will immediately and proactively request the National Assembly—"

An emergency review will be held on issues such as responsibility for the current financial crisis, loopholes in the pension system, and the failure of financial regulation.

I will formally propose the establishment of a special investigation committee to conduct a comprehensive, in-depth, and transparent investigation into the root causes of this incident.

He concluded by saying, "In order to avoid further complicating the situation, I promise that I will not take any coercive measures that would escalate confrontation or undermine stability."

We urge the gathered citizens to remain calm and to have confidence in the Republic's system, which is capable of addressing their concerns.

We also urge all citizens of Paris to remain rational and orderly.

After speaking, he did not give the reporters a chance to ask questions, nodded slightly, and then turned and walked back into the heavy gates of the Bourbon Palace.

The journalists were left there to process this sudden statement.

The reporter from Le Figaro was the first to react, whispering to his colleague beside him, "Brilliant! They've put all the trouble on the parliament!"

--------

Fressine's statement quickly reached the Exchange Square through several channels.

Some bolder citizens ran to the edge of the square and shouted into it: "The Prime Minister has spoken! He says it's not a riot! We demand that Parliament investigate!"

The news was fragmented, but the most important parts quickly spread among the gathered crowd:

"The government has backed down? Saying our riots aren't on?"

"It's not about backing down, it's about handing it over to the parliament for investigation!"

"What to check?"

"Investigate the banks! Investigate the annuities! Investigate those directors who have absconded!"

"Will the police take action?"

"They said they wouldn't take any action during the investigation."

"real or fake?"

At first there was skepticism, but soon more details came in:
Fressine personally acknowledged that the people were "peaceful," praised the military and police for their "restraint," and especially promised that "no coercive measures would be taken."

The atmosphere began to subtly change.

The drumming had long since stopped, and even the hushed discussions had gradually subsided.

People looked at each other, trying to confirm the authenticity of the news and what it meant from each other's faces.

The old woman sitting on the front row of stones rubbed her sore and numb legs and whispered to the old soldier next to her, "Does that mean... we can go home?"

The veteran shook his head, then nodded: "It means, uh, they won't be attacking for the time being."

The men blocking the bank steps relaxed their tense bodies slightly.

Someone leaned the stick against the wall; although they didn't throw it, it was no longer in a position where they were ready to swing it at any moment.

Philip stood at the front of the crowd, listening to the chaotic discussions around him, his heart filled with mixed feelings.

There was no joy of victory, nor anger at being deceived, but rather a deep weariness and bewilderment.

The demands were heard? It seems so.

But did they agree? No.

They just changed the venue for the "discussion".

Will the discussion yield results? I don't know...

But change continues to occur among people, and no one can stop it.

Although the ranks of police and soldiers remained, the tense and oppressive atmosphere had noticeably lessened.

Many soldiers simply rested their rifle butts on the ground and relaxed their bodies slightly.

The officers no longer paced anxiously or shouted orders; instead, they huddled together, discussing something in hushed tones, occasionally glancing up at the still-silent "observers."

Inside the Bourbon Palace, another battle has just begun, but the outcome was almost predetermined before it even started.

An emergency meeting of the National Assembly was held at 11:00 a.m. The chamber was packed, and even the corridors were filled with spectators and reporters.

Prime Minister Fresine attended in person, repeating his previous statement in a more formal and earnest tone.

He did not shirk all government responsibility, but focused entirely on "requesting Parliament to exercise its supreme oversight power, find out the truth, and improve the system."

In closing, Prime Minister Frésiné concluded: "This is not a retreat of the government, but a demonstration of the strength of the republican system!"

Many young opposition lawmakers are eager to launch a scathing attack on the government's incompetence.

However, when they tried to speak up, they were stopped in various ways by the party leaders.

The more direct pressure comes from public opinion.

By noon, newspaper extras were plastered all over the streets, all of which mentioned "non-violence" and "restraint," as well as the "on-site observations" of cultural figures.

A prevailing public opinion has emerged: the situation is shifting from dangerous street confrontations to relatively standardized institutional procedures.

In this context, any vehement opposition to the investigation or attempts to completely exonerate financial institutions would appear extremely inappropriate, even callous.

Moreover, many members of parliament, or their families and financial backers, have also been involved in the pension crisis to some extent and suffered heavy losses.

Public discontent is boiling over, and they need an explanation and to find the "responsible person" to quell the voters' anger.

Then, a dramatic scene occurred.

An agenda that might have been debated for days or even weeks is progressing at an astonishing pace.

The various factions quickly reached a consensus to "set aside the disputes and establish an investigation committee first," and the proposal encountered almost no significant resistance.

The National Assembly passed a resolution by an overwhelming majority to immediately establish a "Special Commission for Inquiry into the Financial Crisis of 1882 and Pension Transactions".

The committee was granted broad powers—to investigate the truth behind the bankruptcy of the "United Corporation"; to examine loopholes and oversight responsibilities in the issuance, circulation, and mortgaging of annuities;

The relevant government officials, representatives of financial regulatory agencies, directors and major shareholders of the bank involved were summoned; the losses were assessed, and possible remedial measures were discussed…

Not a single legislator dared to publicly vote against the proposal, and even the least likely option, "compensation for damages," was taken into consideration.

They can ignore the civilians in the square, and even don't mind using harsh methods to purge them, but they cannot ignore the gaze of Zola, Daudet, and Sorel.

They fear that they and their families will be written into the next novel, becoming greedy and foolish villains; they fear being painted into a famous painting, frozen in time in an ugly pose...

What they fear even more is that if they obstruct the investigation today and the situation eventually spirals out of control, the enraged crowd, having lost everything, will truly tear them apart!
In any case, the "United Corporation" still has various assets worth hundreds of millions of francs that it can dispose of, and many people are eyeing it covetously.

Originally, this was a piece of fatty meat that everyone wanted to take a bite of, but now that "poison" has been added to it, why not cut off a few pieces as a favor?

In a commentary, the reporter for Le Figaro wrote:
This marks the first time in the history of the People's Republic of China that the responsibilities of financial capital have been acknowledged.

The parliament's resolution was quickly relayed back to the Stock Exchange Square.

This time, it wasn't just hearsay; a member of parliament went directly to the edge of the square to read out the summary of the resolution.

The crowd began to discuss animatedly:

"The investigation committee...summoned officials and bankers..."

"We need to investigate the annuity issue..."

"They didn't say they'd compensate me..."

"But we said we would investigate the responsibility and discuss remedial measures..."

A strange feeling was spreading. On the one hand, they hadn't "won," because their most pressing needs hadn't been met—

Compensation for losses remains elusive, the bank tycoon who fled to London has not been wanted, and the government has not acknowledged any responsibility.

But reason tells them that this may have been the limit, or even far beyond their expectations.

They should have been violently dispersed last night, and at least several hundred people would have been arrested and imprisoned.

Just like countless similar movements that have occurred on this land, it always takes blood and fire before those "big shots" will give in.

But on the other hand, they don't seem to have "lost" either.

They were not defined as rioters, are unlikely to be purged afterward, and some of their demands were acknowledged and incorporated into the formal process.

In a country still living in the shadow of 1871, this result is highly unusual in itself.

The crowd's anger subsided, though it didn't turn into joy, but the atmosphere cooled down, and everyone was somewhat bewildered.

The area in front of the Bank of France and the Paris Stock Exchange fell silent.

Suddenly, a voice rang out from the crowd:
"Lionel Sorel!"

Another voice joined in: "Emile Zola!"

The third voice: "Alphonse Daudet!"

Then, as if a fuse had been lit, sounds arose from all directions, initially somewhat chaotic, but gradually becoming orderly and louder:
"Mr. Sorel!"

"Mr. Zola!"

"Mr. Daudet!"

"Mr. Pissarro!"

"Mr. Monet!"

"Mr. Goncourt!"

……

More and more names appeared, interspersed with shouts of "Thank you!" "You saw it!" "We remember!"

It was as if only by calling out these people's names could the inexplicable emotions in my heart be released.

Lionel did not respond to the crowd's shouts, maintaining his statue-like stance.

It's not that he doesn't want to, but at this moment he—

Both legs are completely numb, and my bladder is about to burst!

They were afraid that even a small action might trigger an unpredictable chain reaction...

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(End of this chapter)