Father of France

Chapter 105 I was present during the return of prisoners of war.

Three days later, the first batch of selected Soviet prisoners of war were transported by rail to the French-occupied zone of Berlin.

Koeman looked at the silent column before him—three hundred and twenty Soviet prisoners of war, dressed in faded German uniforms, their hands pressed tightly against their trouser seams, awaiting their fate as they were escorted by French soldiers.

"They look alright, just a little mentally exhausted. They should be fine once they get back home." Armand watched the prisoners of war get off the train. "I'm sure the Soviets can't wait any longer."

“That’s not necessarily true,” Koeman sighed. “Not all countries accept the presence of prisoners.”

These prisoners of war were all Soviet prisoners, captured by the Germans and then rescued from German POW camps by the Allies. According to the Yalta Agreement, they were to be sent back to the Soviet Union. But Koeman knew that flowers and embraces would not await them.

"No way, even though they've been captured, they're still valuable labor." Armand murmured in shock. Since they answered the call to go to the battlefield, did they really have to die on the battlefield?

“For some countries, being captured is a truly unacceptable insult,” Koeman replied with a shrug. “It’s almost like treason.”

Those who know about the treatment of German prisoners of war in POW camps are well aware of it. Compared to German prisoners of war in Soviet POW camps, the former were far superior. Both countries were incredibly ruthless towards each other.

After the war ended, the war for the prisoners of war was far from over. For the Soviet prisoners of war trapped in German POW camps, it was just the beginning of another arduous journey.

Returning prisoners of war would face a screening process by the military. This process was designed to identify and eliminate those who were considered "potential risks" and might have compromised or cooperated with the enemy during their captivity.

This process is usually lengthy and grueling, requiring prisoners of war to provide detailed accounts of their capture, including the circumstances of their arrest, their living conditions as prisoners, and whether they had any contact or cooperation with the enemy. The entire process takes place under close surveillance and interrogation.

Even after passing the identification process, prisoners of war deemed irresponsible would face disdain. Soviet society believed that once a soldier was captured, he had lost face to some extent, even if it was due to unavoidable factors.

Therefore, even those prisoners of war who survived and returned to their hometowns often felt rejected by society, and their past experiences were often intentionally or unintentionally ignored or erased.

As for prisoners of war who failed the identification process, things were even simpler; they would have to be sent back to the Gulag for re-education.

"Treason?" Captain Armand was shocked by Coman's explanation, and said with a look of lingering fear, "Fortunately, our country is relatively lenient, otherwise it's unimaginable."

"We simply can't afford the losses. If the number of French prisoners had been 200,000 instead of 2 million, they might have been treated just as harshly."

Koeman's tone was full of helplessness. "Actually, who would like soldiers who are captured on the battlefield? We just had no choice. Theoretically, everyone hopes that their country's soldiers would rather die than surrender. If prisoners are brought back as if nothing happened, wouldn't that encourage surrender in the next war?"

While free world countries may allow soldiers to surrender honorably at certain times, Koeman did not actually agree with this. Surrendered soldiers might not be punished as severely as those in the Soviet Union, but they should still receive some form of punishment.

Otherwise, if you die in battle, you will get nothing, and if you are captured, you will be expected to be understood. Who will dare to sacrifice themselves in the future?
The Cold War didn't escalate into a hot war. If it had, Koeman really didn't have much faith in the so-called free world. The morale of the NATO countries' armies was a mystery; their discipline and training were worse than the Soviet army. If it weren't for their relative technological advantage, they would have been lucky. In short, it's fortunate that it wasn't a hot war.

After the headcount was confirmed to be correct, a French company was responsible for escorting the troops to the checkpoint in the Soviet-occupied zone of Berlin. Currently, there are checkpoints in the four occupied zones of Berlin, but they are still largely symbolic, merely indicating the different administrative areas.

On the other side of the checkpoint, Soviet officers had been waiting for a long time. Koman, with a translator, walked up to the Soviet officer, and the two shook hands across an invisible but real boundary.

This scene was captured by an AFP reporter stationed in West Berlin, serving as a direct record of Franco-Soviet friendship. Koeman, having already spotted five Soviet military trucks waiting in the distance, remarked, "This is just the beginning. I believe the prisoner-of-war repatriation process will take a long time. The Soviet comrades have already seen France's goodwill; this is the first prisoner-of-war repatriation. It is something to be remembered."

"Thank you for the cooperation of our French comrades," Major Kovalev said with a smile and a nod. "Moscow attaches great importance to the return of prisoners of war, and France's cooperation will surely further deepen the friendship between our two countries."

"This is our objective. Let's begin." Koman concluded the brief conversation, waving his hand to begin the handover process. Both sides had to verify the prisoners' identities, and a military recorder was present to document the proceedings. The entire process lasted an hour, during which Koman was also given a bottle of vodka.

Major Kovalev also had a casual conversation with Koman, mentioning things like how some prisoners of war had failed the expectations of the Party and the country.

Koeman didn't take the opportunity to spout nonsense about the free world respecting human rights. He was already more inclined to agree with the Soviet Union's treatment of prisoners of war and was unwilling to lie just to gain some verbal advantage.

“According to the agreement, you should hand over all your personal belongings,” Kozlov said, handing over a list, his eyes fixed on the prisoner being led away for a search, “including… any letters you’ve hidden away.”

"Of course, everything is open and fair." Koeman spoke without any sense of unease, as was his nature. Unless his own safety was involved, he always acted like a moral saint. "By the way, the higher-ups intend for us to visit the Soviet military camp for some tactical and technical exchanges. I expect the Soviet army will receive the notification soon. I personally have great respect for you who defeated the German army."

Before the Potsdam Conference, it shouldn't have been difficult for the occupying forces to communicate across borders after exchanging information. It was only after the Iron Curtain speech that the German occupying forces began to get nervous.

The exchange of prisoners of war between the French and Soviet armies also drew the attention of Britain and the United States, serving as a reminder that they should begin their own prisoner transfers.

However, not everyone wanted to see this. General Patton telegraphed Eisenhower, arguing that suspending the transfer of prisoners of war would strengthen the Soviet Red Army.

In particular, the relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union was not so close, and the two countries could turn against each other at any time, and war could break out again.

The end of the war and the peace treaty greatly stimulated Patton. He felt deeply that war had taken a backseat and peace had truly arrived.

This was something the vast majority of people dreamed of, but now Patton saw it as less than rosy. He encountered many troubling problems and would face many more discomforts.

He will leave the battlefield he is familiar with and put into some tedious, unexciting, and mundane work.

Patton believed that it would be a historical misunderstanding for the United States to have a peaceful relationship with the Soviet Union.

The Soviet political system was a strange one; Stalin was a ruthless revolutionary; and the Soviet Red Army was a mob with the strictest and most ruthless discipline. The people of the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries lived in misery.

The conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union is the root cause of World War III, so we should take advantage of this opportunity to directly wage war against the Soviet Union.

Eisenhower's chief of staff, Walter, read Patton's telegram with a sense of helplessness, believing that war was imminent.

"The president has already scheduled talks with the British and Soviet leaders, what is George doing?" Eisenhower complained. "Is he trying to get the president to tell Stalin that the two countries are about to go to war?"

Eisenhower had tolerated Patton's unruly behavior on the battlefield, but now that the war was over, he increasingly felt that Patton had a negative impact on the United States in peacetime.

(End of this chapter)