Father of France

Chapter 53 Another day of standing like a lackey.

When Koman visited the Soviet Union, he knew that he was given a place by George Pidul, and the reason was obvious.

It could be due to Admiral Dragon, or perhaps he himself was unwilling to take advantage of a minor for nothing and wanted to find an opportunity to give back in order to clear his mind.

Koeman was still very grateful for this polite approach. There was no complicated infighting. Before leaving, he still sent Martin a telegram to continue investigating the crimes of the religious group.

He always shifts the blame to others after starting the fire. Normally, he should feel somewhat guilty, but now time is of the essence, and he doesn't have time to witness the whole process.

The trip to Moscow was launched quickly, which was George Pidul's biggest diplomatic task at the moment; in contrast, the gains in Italy were a pure surprise.

Of course, one must travel to Moscow by plane. If Koeman had a choice, he certainly wouldn't have taken a plane, but he didn't.

This year's eighteen-station period of being treated like a lackey is still ongoing, and it's unclear when it will end. Koeman, who harbors ambitions of absolute power, can only remain humble and subservient for now, waiting for the day he can make his final leap.

"We must adopt a neutral stance and develop normal economic and trade relations with the country," George Pidur instructed the accompanying diplomats, his face serious.

Koman listened from two seats away. He wasn't used to flying and was trying to kill time by having something to do, so his mind kept wandering.

France did indeed have a brief period of neutrality among the Western European countries, from 1945 to the two years before the implementation of the Marshall Plan in 1947.

Whether it was for the Soviet Union's support for France's permanent membership on the Security Council or for the economic complementarity of its traditional source of raw materials, France did indeed withstand pressure from Britain and the United States during this period and maintained normal economic and trade relations with the Soviet Union.

This brief period of neutrality was later brought to an end due to partisan divisions within the Fourth Republic and the implementation of the Marshall Plan.

“Our colonies are not enough to cover the raw material revenues for postwar reconstruction.” George Pidur said, recalling Koman’s explanation, “Koman had lived in Syria before, and he knew the colonies very well.”

“That’s right, the minister has a very deep understanding of this issue.” Koeman, whose name was called, answered without hesitation.

Britain could maintain its raw material imports using the resources of its colonies and dominions like Canada, but France could not.

Although Coman knew that the French African colonies had iron ore and oil, he had not yet discovered them, and Britain had readily available raw materials.

Therefore, Soviet raw material exports were not irreplaceable for Britain, but not for France. Importing raw materials was another major objective of Georges Pitour's visit.

A few hours later, the plane landed safely in Moscow, where Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov led a delegation to welcome the delegation led by Georgy Pidul, and the two shook hands tightly.

George Pidul believed that Moscow attached great importance to his arrival, having even sent its second-in-command to greet him. He felt a surge of anticipation for the trip and soon arrived at his hotel.

“It seems the Soviet Union also has needs from France, otherwise Molotov wouldn’t have shown up in person,” Georges Pitoure said, beaming. Koeman really wanted to remind the foreign minister that Molotov wasn’t the second most powerful figure in the Soviet Union.

Molotov only appeared in front of various countries more often because of the special circumstances of the war. In reality, the second most powerful figure in the Soviet Union was Beria or Zhdanov.

Following the tradition of the Stalin era, important diplomatic events would be celebrated with a banquet at the Kremlin, inviting visiting foreign guests to attend and engage in discussions.

Sure enough, an invitation arrived from Moscow shortly afterward. Koeman was certain that the banquet would be very lavish and would not reveal even the slightest weakness in the Great Patriotic War to the French.

"I also want to check out the science and engineering programs in Moscow and buy some textbooks for each academic year." Koman held the invitation letter, neither agreeing nor disagreeing, another day of standing like a lackey.

He was not worried about cultural differences. After the collapse of Imperial Russia, many Imperial Russian nobles fled to France because of the traditional cultural ties between France and the Russian nobility.

There are Slavic residential areas in Paris, although Corman has not visited them, which confirms that France has no shortage of Russian-speaking talent.

He still doesn't quite believe in the few prestigious universities in the United States that bring together the whole world, or at least the entire group of developed countries. He thinks the Soviet-style education system is more reliable in maximizing the value of talent.

I wonder if any education officials will be at the dinner? Koeman thought for a moment, but his mind went blank. He had no relevant memories, but he did know of an education minister named Fortseva from about ten years in the future.

In the evening, George Pidul led his entourage to the Kremlin for a banquet. As expected, no matter how hard they struggled, it wouldn't show in the Kremlin. The banquet was very lavish. After expressing his welcome, Stalin handed over the task of hosting the banquet to Molotov.

Koman followed very discreetly behind an arranged translator, inquiring about the origin and ingredients of the food, thoroughly enjoying himself, as if his stomach had made the trip in vain.

Even so, he still stood out. His French military uniform was indeed very distinctive, especially the black cylindrical cap on his head, which always attracted attention.

Despite his youthful appearance, Koeman was the only one in George Pidul's group wearing a military uniform, and crucially, the information provided by the Ministry of the Interior did not include him.

Soon two officers appeared beside him, treating Coman with the air of a host, saying, "France has been liberated, which is something to celebrate."

Koeman glanced at the blue brims on the two men's peaked caps—Ministry of Internal Affairs! Without hesitation, he replied, "East Prussia is almost within reach, and I believe it will soon be Soviet spoils. Compared to the situation on the Eastern Front, the results on the Western Front are disappointing."

This answer greatly surprised one of the officers, who solemnly replied, "The Allies are united and will soon defeat Germany. Then we will celebrate the victory together."

"The postwar world belongs to the United States and your Soviet Union," Koman said nonchalantly after taking a bite of dessert. "Ask me anything you want. I'm planning to buy a few sets of textbooks to examine the education systems of various universities in Moscow and see what the advantages of the systems pursued by the Italian and French Communist Parties are. That's all for now."

Even if Koeman didn't say anything, someone would follow him when he went out. It would be better to be honest and tell him his upcoming itinerary. At least he could be at peace with himself. Communists never hide their goals, and he, a reactionary, would not hide them either.

(End of this chapter)