Father of France

Chapter 57 Beria

Someone like Koman would definitely die if he went to the Xianxia channel. He can't even understand the advanced mathematics textbooks that are publicly available in the real world. Does he think he can just switch to the profound techniques that the masters of the Xianxia channel keep hidden?

With that ability, he would have already been studying "The Principles of Quantum Mechanics" and "Landau's Ten Books" in the real world; he wouldn't need to cultivate immortality at all.

Mathematics is the spiritual root of the real world; if you don't have it, you don't have it. Moreover, based on his life experience in France, Koeman has concluded that he was an ordinary person who wasn't very capable in both his past and present lives.

France's higher education, especially in mathematics, is no worse than that of the Soviet Union, but he knew that the Soviet Union was strong in basic education, which selected top students through a continuous process of screening.

Of course, from an American perspective, they're just a bunch of bookworms; they're just academic high-achievers, not geniuses.

However, the Soviet-style education system did indeed achieve a great deal in giving everyone a fair opportunity. The rest depended on whether an individual had a talent for mathematics.

Pavlov thought Koman admired the Soviet Union's strong basic education system or had some idea of ​​learning from the Soviet Union, but he instead heard Koman say that he was screening out idiots.

Koman's words did contain a sliver of logic, but Pavlov absolutely could not admit that equality was the core of Soviet political correctness, and the most inviolable principle: "Imperialist countries divide people into different classes, which is wrong."

“Whether or not mathematical talent exists is not something I can control.” Koman looked at Pavlov with a puzzled expression. “A repressive education system does raise the educational standards of ordinary people, but that’s all it can do. Of course, we need talented people in positions that match their talents. But most people don’t have talent. If there are too many college graduates from the Soviet education system, they might end up sweeping the streets.”

"What is repressive education?" The Russian translator next to her frowned. In the past two days, she had found that the soldiers of the usurious imperialist regime were not pleasant to hear.

"At a macro level, the Soviet-style education is indeed a repressive education. Does that mean that when a teacher calls a parent and tells them that their child is very smart but just doesn't study hard, they are appeasing them?"

Koeman smirked and said, "Students as a whole face pressure from society and their parents, and they all firmly believe that they are pillars of society. But what if they graduate and become miners? It's not impossible, but how will they bridge the gap between their ideals and reality?"

Isn't Soviet-style education the opposite of American-style education? American-style happy education treats everyone like idiots, directly erasing the environment for geniuses to grow up in from the very beginning.

While the Soviet-style education system can indeed discover geniuses on a larger scale, it cannot provide many good jobs for these geniuses, thus failing to make the best use of their talents.

While Pavlov and the Russian girl were translating and thinking, Koman took out his newly bought diary to write down his thoughts: "After primary education, students will be streamed and a parallel STEM system will be established."

He was indeed seriously investigating basic education in the Soviet Union today. He had just listened attentively to a class and didn't even have time to look at the young Russian girls.

The diversion was first tested in overseas departments. For France, overseas departments were a blank slate, and they could do whatever they wanted. In Algeria, the proportion of non-French immigrants, that is, locals, who were educated was only 3%, which was even lower than in the Republic of China era, and it was indeed not impressive.

It doesn't matter if we make a mistake by accident; it's just a little hardship. Algerians have the courage, confidence, and ability to overcome difficulties and must dare to be pioneers.

Just moments ago, it was pointed out that the Soviet Union suffered heavy losses in male population during the war, and now it's being criticized that the Soviet basic education system's streaming system was inadequate. Koeman is now included in Pavlov's monitoring report. While Pavlov was writing his report, Koeman also compiled Soviet higher education textbooks. In fact, French higher education was no worse than the Soviet Union's, and at that time might even have been stronger, but targeting basic education alone made the intention too obvious; equal treatment was necessary.

Koeman was tasked with investigating the reasons for the Soviet Union's strength, or at least that's what he told George Pidul.

The Soviet Union was able to defeat Germany, which swept across Europe, in a head-on battle. This was a world of difference from Imperial Russia, which was easily subdued by Germany in World War I. Isn't this something worth studying?
At this time, no country in Europe would question the Soviet Union's transformation from the Tsarist era to the present. The Germans, however, questioned it, and even put their doubts into practice. The flames of war have now spread to East Prussia, the birthplace of the Soviet Union.

During his visit to Moscow State University, Koeman formally requested that the trip to the Ministry of Internal Affairs be made possible, saying, "I want to go to a German prisoner-of-war camp."

"What is your purpose?" Pavlov asked, frowning. The other party wanted to visit the Ministry of Internal Affairs in order to study at the Kremlin, although the wording had changed.

But he could fool outsiders with a different story. He was an officer in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, so of course he knew that the German prisoner-of-war camps were Gulags, which were managed by an important part of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Koeman said he wanted to visit a German prisoner-of-war camp, but he really wanted to learn about the Ministry of the Interior. The purpose didn't change just because he changed the wording.

“Comrade, you don’t think that only the Soviet Union had German prisoners of war, do you? German prisoners of war also existed in Britain, France, and many other European countries.”

Koeman said seriously to Pavlov, "European countries have all suffered German aggression and enormous losses. Post-war reconstruction is a huge problem. We have free labor but we don't use it. However, how to use it and how to maximize its efficiency may not be as good as yours. Therefore, I must solve this problem."

Koeman was unusually serious, and the reason was perfectly legitimate. As for the less legitimate part, Pavlov didn't need to know: after the war, a large number of German soldiers would definitely become part of the French Foreign Legion.

Faced with the wave of colonial independence that began after the war, France and Germany would certainly achieve European unity in some sense.

The Gulag system would first be used on German prisoners of war, and then on Algeria, though Pavlov didn't need to know about the latter.

“I’m applying, and even if I succeed in the end, only you can go.” Pavlov couldn’t refuse directly; he didn’t have that authority. This was a matter for higher-ups to consider.

Especially now, with the French Foreign Minister's successful visit, relations between the Soviet Union and France seem to have reached a new starting point. He was just an ordinary officer in the Ministry of the Interior. What else could he do besides writing reports to his superiors?
“Is there something wrong with this French soldier?” At the Ministry of Internal Affairs meeting, Riasnoy presented Pavlov’s report on Koman’s request to visit the German POW camp. “No foreigner or foreign soldier has ever had an in-depth understanding of the labor reform system. I suspect he’s here specifically for the Gulag.”

"No doubt about it, that's it." Deputy Internal Affairs Minister Merkulov stated definitively, "The Kremlin has never hidden it. Koblov, have you finished your investigation? Do you have any intelligence on him?"

No sooner had he finished speaking than Beria, the Soviet Minister of Internal Affairs, pushed open the door and entered. The NKVD generals, including Merkulov, stood up as if by reflex, their eyes following Beria's figure until he sat down in the main seat.

(End of this chapter)