Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 148 The Dejected Tsar

The war has been going on for nearly a year, and the performance of the Russian army has been truly astonishing, leading other powers to believe that Russia is no longer capable of winning.

Iran's performance has surprised other countries, who never expected that a country undergoing reforms for only four years could unleash such formidable fighting power. It even rivals Egypt and the Ottoman Empire, which have undergone decades of reforms.

After capturing Gyumri and Baku, Iranian troops continued their advance, while forces in the east were launching a fierce attack on fortresses in the Caucasus Mountains, preparing to establish communication with the insurgents. Iran has also begun to govern the recaptured territories.

Russia drilled its first oil well in Baku in 1850, but at that time, oil was not widely used, so production was low. After the Iranian invasion, the Russian army destroyed the oil well facilities, but thanks to Iranian repairs, most of the facilities were able to operate normally.

With raw materials in hand, Iran could accelerate its oil research. Meanwhile, to gain acceptance among the local population, Iran not only waived many of Russia's exorbitant taxes but also planned a railway from Tabriz to Baku.

It can be said that Iran achieved results that the Ottomans did not. Some people felt this was unbalanced, believing that the Ottomans attracted most of the firepower, allowing Iran to gain such an advantage; otherwise, how could they have acquired so much land?

But as unbalanced as it may be, they won't be foolish enough to stab you in the back under these circumstances. Until Russia, their biggest threat, is eliminated, everything else takes a backseat.

Winter arrived. For three days and three nights, icy winds and rain swept across the highlands outside Sevastopol, toppling the tents of the Anglo-French forces. In the mud, the soldiers could only huddle together for warmth, soaked to the bone and shivering. Their only protection from the wind and rain came from thin blankets and overcoats. The soldiers tried to rebuild their tents, but their fingers were frozen stiff. Some simply continued to spend the night in the barns and stables, huddled against the walls, desperately seeking a sliver of warmth.

Allied commanders, believing the war would be swift, were unprepared for the winter in the highlands outside Sevastopol, and they also underestimated the harshness of the winters. The British were particularly negligent, failing to provide their troops with proper winter clothing. Soldiers arrived in Crimea in dress uniforms, initially without even overcoats. The first shipment of winter clothing sank to the bottom of the sea, so the troops' winter uniforms arrived later.

The French were much better prepared. They issued sheepskin coats to their troops, and later added fur-lined coats with hats. The French also allowed their soldiers to wear as many layers of clothing as they wanted, unlike the British army's peculiar requirement for all soldiers to dress and look like gentlemen.

The Allied commanders hadn't given much thought to where their soldiers would live. The tents they brought with them had uninsulated floors, offering little protection against the harsh weather, and many were beyond repair due to storm damage. British officers, on the other hand, enjoyed far better living conditions. Most had servants who could install wooden floors in their tents or dig holes in the ground and cover them with stones. But to the suffering ordinary soldiers, this was utterly appalling.

French officers lived close to their soldiers, a stark contrast to the comfortable lives of senior British officers. Officers and soldiers shared a small tent, an arrangement that was quite comfortable when the weather was good or during marches.

The difference in food supplies between the two armies was even more stark. Each French regiment had a dedicated team to provide basic necessities for its soldiers, including food supply and preparation, and treatment of the wounded. They prepared food centrally, and each regiment had its own kitchen and cooks. In contrast, in British camps, rations were distributed individually, and each soldier had to cook for themselves. This further exposed the British army's weaknesses.

In Britain, France, and Russia, the public followed the developments of the war daily, with interest and anxiety constantly growing. Through newspaper reports, periodical photographs, and images, people were quickly informed of the latest developments, and the public had a far greater understanding of the true situation than in any previous conflict. Public reaction to war news became a major consideration for military authorities in decision-making, as military decisions were subject to unprecedented public criticism—something unseen in previous wars.

The opinions of the lower classes in Russia were difficult to grasp. Merchants, for their own business reasons, favored ending the war. The serfs suffered the most, as the army conscripted young men, depriving peasant families of young and healthy labor. They also bore the brunt of the increased taxes due to the war. The peasant population declined sharply, by as much as 6% in some areas. Approximately three hundred serf uprisings or riots broke out across Russia, with serfs attacking landowners and burning their property.

However, some peasants saw the war as an opportunity to change their lives. A rumor circulated in the Russian countryside: any serf who volunteered to join the army or navy would be guaranteed freedom. Meanwhile, a church deacon in Ryazan told the serfs that if they joined the army, they would receive eight silver rubles a month in pay, and after three years of service, they and their families would be freed from serfdom.

Such stories were commonplace. The serfs believed the Tsar had issued a decree promising freedom to volunteers, and when told there was no such decree, they assumed it had been hidden or switched by corrupt officials. The Russian army had no shortage of eager volunteers, and the Tsar could mobilize all the resources of the vast empire. But Nicholas I had lost his authority and confidence. He had also lost trust in his commanders, becoming increasingly gloomy and depressed. Since the war began, he seemed to have aged ten years rapidly.

Perhaps the Tsar was still waiting for his trusted "January General and February General" to destroy the Anglo-French forces. As long as the Anglo-French troops on the high ground continued to suffer losses due to cold, disease, and hunger, the Russian army could force the Anglo-French to negotiate peace.

The Tsar wrote extensive notes outlining how he would respond should Russia go to war with Austria, Prussia, and other German states. This perhaps reveals the Tsar's anxiety and helplessness in his final days. He couldn't shake the terrifying thought of the collapse of the Russian Empire: the empire built by his ancestors would be destroyed by his foolish "holy war," because Britain and Sweden would attack the Baltic Sea, Austria and Prussia would attack Poland and Ukraine, the Western powers would attack the Black Sea and the Caucasus, and finally, they would encircle and destroy Russia.

(End of this chapter)