Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 185 The Ideas of Three Young People
A fawn strolled through the forest, looking around and occasionally lowering its head to eat some leaves, looking very relaxed.

Suddenly, a bullet pierced the soil at its feet, startling the fawn, which then ran into the forest.

“What a pity, it was so close to hitting the target,” Naserdin said to Franz, who had fired the shot.

"That happens often; sometimes you come back empty-handed from hunting."

The two hunted in the forests of Vienna, talking as they searched for prey.

"Do you know, my father should have been sitting on the throne, but my mother persuaded him to give up his right to inherit, so I got to sit in this position."

I didn't know what to do, but the situation was incredibly dangerous. One wrong move and the family's honor would be lost, but thankfully we held on.

Franz felt a chill run down his spine when he thought about what happened in 1848. His family's centuries-old rule had almost been overthrown. The Hungarians were incredibly audacious; whoever had rescued them from the Ottomans had been so ungrateful.

"But now it's all over, and everything will be alright. The rebellion has been suppressed, Russia has been defeated, and there will be no war for the next twenty years."

Nasser al-Din spoke with certainty, but no one knew better than him that two wars would break out that would change Central Europe. This would cause a complete transformation of the European system until that fateful moment arrived.

"I hope so. Thank you for your blessing, Naser al-Din."

During this time, the two peers developed a friendship. Both ascended the throne at a young age and both encountered internal opposition; their shared experiences gave them much to talk about.

Privately, the two men shared a remarkably similar view of the Ottoman Empire: that the country must remain within Anatolia and not cross its borders. To achieve this, they believed a surgical procedure was needed to reduce its excess territory.

The two men also exchanged gifts; Franz gave him a sword adorned with gold and jewels, while Naserdin reciprocated with a silk garment. In this friendly atmosphere, the two countries formally signed a treaty of friendship and mutual assistance.

This news was published in various newspapers, and his arrival, as the Iranian monarch's first public appearance, attracted the attention of other countries. But it also drew the attention of others.

Naserdin and Franz were traveling on the same train to Prague, where Austria was to hold a grand banquet to send off the Shah. Meanwhile, Prussia was in the thick of the moment.

As the second country visited by the Shah, Prussia lags behind Austria only in military strength; otherwise, it is slightly inferior. However, cooperation between Iran and Prussia began long ago. Currently, there are 150 Iranian students studying at Prussian military academies, and 25 Iranians engaged in trade in the country, concentrated in the cities of Berlin and Hamburg.

Prussia has always wanted to unify Germany, but it favors the "Lesser Germany" plan, which essentially excludes Austria. However, implementation is still needed, and it hopes for Iranian support. Not only Prussia, but also Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Belgium are awaiting the Shah's visit. European goods are currently experiencing sluggish sales, and they hope to sign a trade agreement with Iran to boost their economies. The victor must always receive some benefits.

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"The Iranian Shah received a warm welcome from Austria upon his arrival in Vienna, and the Emperor embraced him warmly..."

Alexander II grew angrier the more he read the newspaper, and eventually tore it up.

"This traitor, has he already forgotten who sent troops to help suppress Hungary?"

As the first, and perhaps only, Tsar to cede territory, the pressure on Alexander II was immense. Many believed he was incapable of creating a prosperous era. He showed no exceptional talent, neither intellectually nor in terms of personality.

Domestically, some called it a disgrace and wanted to drag him off the throne; but more were worried about Russia's economic situation, because the war had cost Russia a million lives, a loss that had weakened serfdom throughout the country. Intellectuals and enlightened bureaucrats advocated abolishing this corrupt and backward system, a view Alexander supported, as he had no other choice.

This form of government was based partly on Byzantine monarchical autocracy and partly on the Mongol Khanate; it later became Russia. Russia was completely unaware of the mixed system of limiting monarchical power in Europe. The Tsar's subjects considered themselves "serfs who are slaves to the nobility," and correspondingly, the Tsar regarded the state as his private property, to be passed down through generations.

Alexander was determined to choose a future of freedom. He resolved to break the shackles and unleash the nation's forgotten potential. But he did not want to relinquish his autocratic power; to do so would be going too far.

However, the reforms faced opposition from the vast majority of landowners. The issue of emancipating Russian serfs was closely related to the difficulties of agricultural production in the cold climate. Russian agricultural output was among the lowest in all of Europe. Without the labor force of serfs, agriculture in northern Russia might not even generate the slightest profit. A large portion of those who enslaved serfs were already impoverished and unable to maintain their upper-class social status. Once this unpaid labor force was freed, even the wealthier nobles who had hundreds or more serfs at their disposal would go bankrupt.

As for the serfs themselves, once freed, their suffering would be no less than that of their masters—at least, that's what the landowners said. Those who championed serfdom believed that freedom was merely a euphemism for anarchy. Without the fatherly care of their masters, the peasants would bring severe disaster to the countryside. The landowners, burdened by debt and despair, were also powerless to control them.

Moreover, some landlords were prepared to preemptively strike; if they couldn't stop the liberation movement itself, they hoped to prevent the peasants from gaining land along with their freedom. Without land, the peasants' freedom would be meaningless, and they would still be dependent on their former masters.

Therefore, he set out to raise numerous procedural questions regarding legislation. He hoped to wear down his opponents' morale through a policy of passive resistance. He tried to provoke their anger. The Tsar's brother, the capricious Grand Duke Constantine, was their most dynamic supporter and their primary target. The opposition scorned him. They believed he would eventually collapse; Prince Menshikov said that Constantine's mind had already been "deranged by excessive indulgence."

The atmosphere was tense within the stucco walls of St. Petersburg, as people were on edge and exhausted from drafting these complex bills. Everyone supported the reforms, but everyone wanted the other side to pay a price.

(End of this chapter)