Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 337 Labor
This proposal was pushed by Democrats; with the country on the verge of collapse, they prioritize protecting their own political interests.

Most people were anticipating America's defeat, because America's defeat would mean the failure of republicanism. European republics would then lose a reliable case study, and their monarchs would be safe.

The Americas, thousands of miles away, have had little impact on the Middle East, where the power structure remains one strong and two weak. Iran's relative strength compared to Egypt and the Ottoman Empire, along with the influence of extra-regional powers like Britain, France, and Russia, means this land faces even more calamities.

After another coup, the Ottoman Empire embarked on a movement to learn from Iran. Their defeat in the 1858 war had shattered their confidence; they had not only ceded vast territories but also sold off most of their interests in Syria to Iran. More importantly, Sunni intellectuals could not comprehend being defeated by Shiites, and many committed suicide when Iranian troops entered various cities.

Ottoman officials were never adept at financial management, and the country slowly and inevitably slid toward bankruptcy. The empire's imports consistently exceeded its exports, and it was unable to develop profitable internal resources for a long time. The empire's treasury was practically empty, military pay was consistently delayed, and the cost of living was rising.

Lacking proper management of its national economy, the Ottoman Empire had become reliant on loans from Europe, accumulating a debt of £2000 million. Some argued that the Ottoman Empire needed deeper reforms, namely a constitution and a parliament.

Iranians received the same treatment as the British and French; no Ottoman officials extorted them, whether for investment in mining, trade, or tourism. The overt antagonism had disappeared, but it remained beneath the surface.

A group of people formed an organization called the Patriots' League, using cultural means to carry out their activities, with the burgeoning news media being their primary weapon. Their goals, besides demanding reform, also included resisting the assimilation of Iranian culture.

Iranian literary organizations in the Ottoman Empire have recently been promoting the idea that Iran and the Ottomans are of the same ethnicity, dating back to the Achaemenid dynasty and continuing to the Seljuk Empire. The Seljuk Empire was a vast empire established by the Turks, which combined Persian culture and religion to create a unique cultural tradition.

In the Ottoman Empire, Persian was an important language in the court, literature, and academia. Many Ottoman sultans and elites were fluent in Persian, and Persian poetry was widely popular. Iran's sudden rise to prominence caught the Ottoman Empire somewhat off guard, as it had not yet begun its cultural development.

Iran, in turn, is focusing its attention on the lower classes of the Ottoman Empire rather than the upper classes, as these are important sources of labor. They can recruit them to work, while also filling the gap left by African immigrants.

Housing conditions for ordinary Ottoman citizens were generally rudimentary. Farmers in rural areas typically lived in mud-brick houses or thatched huts, while urban poor were crammed into dilapidated shantytowns. Due to low agricultural productivity and heavy taxes, they often faced food shortages. Famine and malnutrition were frequent occurrences in impoverished areas.

Iran seized the opportunity, offering weekly portions of flour and potatoes to those who attended prayers at Shia mosques. News of Iranian labor recruitment was also a crucial source of information for the Ottomans; being selected guaranteed a year's livelihood. Recruited Ottoman laborers were primarily assigned to Iranian agricultural areas, mines, and infrastructure construction sites. Along the Caspian Sea coast in northern Iran, they participated in cotton cultivation and fishing; in the south, they were sent to oil fields and railway construction sites. In Africa, they became farmers clearing land and cannon fodder for border expansion.

However, their working conditions remained harsh. Many laborers lived in makeshift shacks, worked long hours, and received relatively low wages. Nevertheless, compared to the poverty of the Ottoman Empire, these laborers still felt their situation had improved.

After witnessing the living conditions in Iran, many Ottomans considered settling there and bringing their families along. However, learning Persian was essential for integration into society. In places like Ankara, there are already numerous schools teaching Persian. Besides language, the laborers also needed to adapt to Iranian culture and lifestyle. As a result, the number of Shia mosques is increasing.

For Shia laborers from the Ottoman Empire, mosques were important places to maintain their religious identity and cultural connections. Through participation in religious activities, they were able to find a sense of belonging and a support network.

In Iran's major cities and industrial areas, settlements of Ottoman laborers gradually formed. These communities were typically located on the outskirts of cities, with rudimentary housing conditions, but they provided the laborers with a relatively stable living environment. In 1859, 7259 Ottomans went to Iran to work, but by 1861, this number had increased to 35698. This does not include the 20,000 who settled in Baghdad.

Iran's recruitment strategy led to a massive exodus of lower-class labor from the Ottoman Empire, further exacerbating its economic woes, particularly in agriculture and handicrafts. Some local officials and landowners complained of labor shortages, resulting in declining agricultural production and reduced tax revenue. However, Ottoman agriculture had actually stagnated for years; farmers were no longer cultivating the land, choosing instead to flee. After all, farming meant starvation—wasn't that just waiting to die?

After a year, Ottomans working in Iran would return and enthusiastically promote the benefits of Iran. Job opportunities were plentiful, wages were higher than in the Ottoman Empire, and children could enjoy a better life. These were the kinds of lives that Ottomans longed for.

The laborers' propaganda also exacerbated the discontent among the lower classes with the status quo in the Ottoman Empire. They realized that remaining in the Ottoman Empire might mean continuing to endure poverty and injustice, while going to Iran might bring new hope.

As more and more laborers migrated out, agriculture and handicrafts in the Ottoman Empire declined further. Many farmlands were abandoned, and workshops closed, exacerbating the economic hardship. Local officials and landowners were furious about the labor shortage, complaining of declining agricultural production and reduced tax revenue. However, they failed to realize that the exodus of the lower classes was a natural reaction to long-standing exploitation and injustice.

The exodus of laborers exacerbated ethnic and religious tensions within Ottoman society. Some Sunni communities resented the outflow of Shia laborers, viewing it as a betrayal of the Ottoman Empire. However, this forced Sunni converts heading to Iran to Shia Islam, reasoning that since the Ottomans were unwilling to provide aid, they might as well seek a living in Iran.

(End of this chapter)