Persian Empire 1845
Chapter 357 The Situation in Southeast Asia
Chapter 357 The Situation in Southeast Asia
In distant Tehran, the Shah was advising his brother, while in Brunei, Sultan Abbas was listening to the Finance Minister's report. The country's revenue was projected to reach £7, and with continued investment, it could increase even further.
“The railway we are planning from Kuching to Brunei has already started construction, which will greatly improve our country’s transportation capacity. The demand for timber in Lanfang in the south has recently surged, and selling this timber will definitely bring in a lot of money.”
Abbas looked at the railway map, a growing sense of pride filling him. Under his leadership, this region was finally taking on a more civilized form. It was just a pity the population was so small, only about 15. This was an estimate, as no census had ever been conducted.
The entire region possesses a beauty untouched by industrial pollution. Apart from a few cities with some industry and commerce, most other areas are primarily agricultural. Economic development is lagging behind and requires capital investment.
"By the way, what's the plan I mentioned before to increase the army to 8000 men?"
When the Sultan spoke, the ministers were speechless. "Sultan, what you're saying is unrealistic at the moment. Our finances are currently only able to maintain a balance. If we were to double the size of the current army, the financial burden would be enormous."
Ah, that makes sense. We also need to consider the financial situation. But the population here is too small; we need more people.
Initially, Abbas was told he would have a piece of land to rule. He was quite happy; although it was a bit far, it was still his home. Now, he has successfully doubled the size of his home and is even planning to build new ones elsewhere.
"Sultan, this is a letter from the Sultan of Sulu. They say they hope the two countries can cooperate for a long time to jointly maintain peace in this land."
The Sultan's fingertips tapped back and forth on the gilded armrests, his furrowed brow reflected in the malachite screen behind the sandalwood throne. The Chancellor's parchment ledgers lay open on a pearl-inlaid low table, the ink still wet on the numbers slightly blurred by the damp sea breeze.
“The Sultan of Sulu?” Abbas chuckled suddenly, picking up the letter wrapped in sea snakeskin. “At this time last year, their warships were harassing our fishermen.” He flicked his wrist, and a few pearls fluttered down as the letter unfolded—a unique diplomatic gesture among the Sulu people, a sign of sincerity.
“The Sultan,” the finance minister wiped his brow, “if we accept the Sulu alliance request, we might be able to gain control of the slave trade routes they control.” He paused deliberately, knowing that the Sultan loathed the word.
“Alas, it’s such a pity that they still make money through such barbaric acts. One day, they will wake up,” Abbas said.
"Although it would be easier to attack from here, let's hold off for now. I've heard that Malaya is embroiled in a battle for the title of Sultan. What do you think? Could I possibly obtain that title?"
Well, how can I put it? Malaya is thousands of miles away from here. No matter how well we govern, the distance between the two sides is too great and may affect our rule.
“Your Majesty, Malaya is too far from Brunei, and it would be a losing proposition to fight for such a title. It would be simpler to take Sulu first and then move north into Spanish territory. As for Malaya, if the Sultan really wants it, it would be better to win over the local forces first. I heard that they are fighting tooth and nail over the Sultan’s position and the ownership of the mines.”
Abbas nodded; this was exactly what he wanted to do. Iran was currently at war with Vietnam, and if his brother could expand into Southeast Asia, why couldn't he?
Iran's sphere of influence is also the most comfortable place for Chinese people in Southeast Asia. Apart from paying higher taxes, they are treated exceptionally well in other aspects of society. In Qinistan, more than one-third of the clerical staff are Chinese, not to mention a large number of Chinese who have been appointed as local sheriffs, and the economy is supported by them.
Iran held great appeal for the Chinese community. It attracted not only laborers but also some powerful figures.
In southern Siam, there was a small vassal state called Songkhla. It was founded decades ago by a Chinese man named Ngo Rang, who later served King Taksin of the Thonburi Dynasty and was rewarded for his service, allowing his family to rule Songkhla for a long period.
Songkhla Port is located at the mouth of Luang Lake on the northeastern coast of the Malay Peninsula in southern Thailand, bordering the southwestern side of the Gulf of Thailand. It is the most important trading port in the central Malay Peninsula. It was originally established due to the tin mining boom, and its fertile land also attracted many Chinese to settle there.
The Wu family not only ruled Songkhla, but also the three provinces of Pattani, Narathiwat, and Yala, as well as the four states of Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah, and Perlis in Malaya, all of which were under their control. It can be said that Songkhla ruled the northern region of Malaya.
But his good days didn't last long. They were quickly followed by the Siamese king's policies to weaken regional power and the rise of local forces. The Siamese king first worked to elevate the status of the Pattani chieftains to parity with Songkhla. Then he pressured Songkhla to pay expensive tribute, thus weakening its economic power.
Meanwhile, Britain, with its growing influence, extended its reach into Songkhla. The Wu clan, the lords of Songkhla, managed to maintain its unity only after much maneuvering. However, without external intervention, this situation was bound to crumble sooner or later.
Songkhla first learned about Iran from visiting merchants who said the country was very friendly to Chinese people. But they didn't know if it was true until Lanfang broke away from the Dutch, and then they believed it was true.
Lanfang also developed its economy within the limits of Iranian restrictions, and a regular shipping route was established between Pontianak and Songkhla. Exchanges between the two sides increased significantly. In order to find external support, the current Songkhla lord, Wu Jin, married his daughter to Luo Yuanhan, the Lanfang governor. At this time, the Luo family not only regained their former political status but also significantly improved their economic situation. They owned 10 mu of fertile farmland in Lanfang, a trading company, and shares in an Iranian company worth 12 taels of silver. The Jiang family, the deputy governor, also possessed these assets. Iran wanted development with guaranteed revenue, so they decided to leave that to them.
Many families like theirs have amassed wealth through Iranian influence. The hardworking and resilient nature of the Chinese community led to Iran's special reliance on them when governing Laos. Because of their presence, Iranian rule in Laos did not collapse. Furthermore, a port was built in the south near Khun Ngum Falls to facilitate trade between upstream and downstream regions.
It was Iran's heavy reliance on the Chinese that gave Songkhla another option: either erupt in silent protest or perish in silence. Rather than end up like Ha Tien, it was better to find a powerful backer, so it could survive longer.
(End of this chapter)
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