Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 364 Ottoman Scholars

“This can’t go on. Evil Russia wants to destroy everything in Poland. We can’t let them succeed.”

In a manor on the outskirts of Warsaw, Red Party leader Paderewski was holding a meeting. They clearly understood that this would be their last chance; if they didn't act now, they might have to wait until the next century to achieve independence.

“That’s right, we also have to show Russia that the Poles are invincible.”

The leader of the White Party, Gilair, also declared that he was determined to fight to the death, and of course, he was not considering any grand cause of restoring the nation, but rather was focused on protecting his own property.

The serf reforms carried out in Russia harmed their interests. The Tsar's terms for redeeming serfs in Poland and Lithuania were extremely favorable, far exceeding those for Russian serfs, resulting in a living standard for serfs in these two regions that was more than twice that of Russian serfs.

The reason was that the emancipation of serfs in Poland-Lithuania was aimed at eliminating the Shlakhta nobility, and Polish-Lithuanian serfs could redeem all the land in Shlakhta; while in the Russian region, Tsarist Russia preferred to protect Russian nobles, so the share of Russian serfs that could be redeemed for their own farmland was only half of the nobles' estates.

If they did that, these nobles wouldn't make any money. They couldn't possibly expect these landowners to cultivate the land themselves without exploiting the serfs; it was absolutely impossible.

Whatever it may be, to protect their property, they should prepare for an uprising first. That way, they would have leverage to negotiate with the Tsar.

The Red and White parties formally united, and the Polish National Central Committee they established was led by Paderewski.

On December 25, 1862, Catholic Christmas Day, the Polish Central Committee declared independence. More than 6000 Polish peasants joined them, quickly occupying Warsaw and spreading into former Polish territory.

This time, the Poles were quite confident, with the largest support base they had ever had for any uprising. Most European countries sympathized with or supported Polish independence, even Russia's allies. For example, the National Council received a donation of 67,850 rials from the people of Trabzon, Austria, and another 2 million rials from a wealthy Polish businessman in Trabzon.

After the uprising broke out, the National Council quickly raised an army and began to sweep across the land. This caught Alexander II off guard, and he ordered the troops from Ukraine and St. Petersburg to be transferred to suppress the rebellion.

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The events in Russia and Prussia have not affected Iran internally; the people continue to struggle for a living, selling their labor to ensure a better life for their children. Everything is moving forward.

"Phew... Phew, we've finally arrived."

Kemal stepped out of Tehran's train station, finding the hard-seat journey on the train nothing compared to the hardships he had endured. Of course, he had a lot of luggage—four suitcases—which required hiring help to carry them. Kemal had already traversed most of Iran, visiting cities like Tabriz, Baku, Tbilisi, Baghdad, and Basra. The more he saw, the more he felt the Ottoman Empire was incredibly backward and in dire need of significant change.

When faced with reform decrees from the central government, local Ottoman governments resorted to delaying tactics and perfunctory measures to prevent the reform policies from being implemented. The Ottoman government, lacking further options, even assumed that issuing orders would guarantee immediate action.

Iran, however, has reorganized its provincial system and established a three-tiered administrative division system of province, city, and county. Each level has its own responsible person, and local governments also have agencies such as agricultural bureaus, industrial and commercial bureaus, and military affairs departments, which are specifically responsible for the implementation of specific policies.

Moreover, the Iranian monarch sometimes personally visited local areas to inspect the results. He himself had met the Shah in Baku and witnessed him conversing with an ordinary citizen, which greatly impressed him. The Ottoman Sultan was not so approachable; whenever he traveled, he rode in a carriage, with people lining both sides to welcome him.

Thus, when Kemal summarized Iran's success, he wrote down the first point: unity between the monarch and his subjects, and the resolution of local government sluggishness. Only with improved government efficiency could government decrees be quickly implemented throughout the country.

Regarding the cities, Kemal observed that there were far more factories here than in the Ottoman Empire. Besides government-invested factories, there were also privately owned and constructed ones. This level of economic activity was something the Ottoman Empire lacked.

When Naser al-Din encouraged private investment in factories in Tabriz, he encountered difficulties in finding buyers for the produced goods. To address this issue, the Shah, then governor, proposed two solutions: first, the government would purchase a portion of the goods on a regular basis under the guise of government goods; second, Iranian traders were encouraged to establish stable trade routes elsewhere. Only after these measures did Tabriz's industry gain a foothold.

After Nasser al-Din ascended to the throne, he intensified his protection of industry. Measures such as expanding colonies and renegotiating tariffs with Britain gave Iranian industry a better future than Ali's Egypt. The Ottoman government lacked this awareness; apart from the military factories built by Mahmud II, there were only factories established by foreign companies within the Ottoman Empire. There were very few domestic factories.

This led Kemal to write the second point: prioritize industry, encourage trade, and boost the national economy.

In terms of culture and education, the Ottoman Empire began implementing secular education even earlier than Iran. This development was rapid, with the number of educated people in the Ottoman Empire rising sharply. However, these individuals did not translate into productivity; instead, they exacerbated the instability of the Ottoman Empire. This was because these students, educated in the West, demanded that the conservative Ottoman government establish a constitution, leading to a standoff between the two sides.

Iran has done a better job in this regard, significantly increasing Iranian history and patriotic education in its educational materials. Graduates can take civil service exams to become civil servants, or enter the military, schools, hospitals, and other institutions; currently, Iran has no problem accommodating them.

Regarding the demand for a constitutional monarchy, the Iranian government has neither said yes nor no. This gives them the impression that the time is not yet ripe, and that a constitutional monarchy will be declared naturally when the time is right. Political groups are currently debating in cafes, but this is within the government's control.

Whether Iran would adopt a constitutional monarchy, Kemal didn't know. But he knew Iran certainly had its strengths. The situation of the Ottomans there suggested that Iran would absorb even more Ottomans in the future—no, it might even become another unified Middle Eastern state after the Abbasid Caliphate. In this context, the question of where the Ottomans should go became a difficult one for them.

(End of this chapter)