Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 404 The Tsar's Troubles

In Palembang, Sumatra's largest city, a handover ceremony is underway. The Dutch governor and military commander are transferring power over the city and island to Iranian officials, officially making Sumatra an integral part of Iran from this day forward.

Murad and Mohammed witnessed the handover together. Watching the Iranian flag rise, they felt that the country's influence was expanding so rapidly that it was really about to turn the whole of Southeast Asia into Iranian territory.

"So, is being Sultan not so bad?" Murad asked his brother.

"It's alright, except you can't go to other places, it's still fine."

Murad knew his brother was upset; after all, he couldn't travel the world like Ibn Battuta. That was his dream.

“Father knows you’re angry, but he has no choice. Malaya’s geographical location is too important. It can’t function without someone in charge.”

Muhammad knew this, but he was still somewhat upset. "But brother, do you know why I'm going on this trip?"

"why?"

“Because of those wars with the rebels, my father killed five princes at once. Not to mention many more were imprisoned. When I heard about these things, I had a feeling that we would kill each other for the throne in the future.”

Murad hadn't expected his brother to see so far ahead, but he still reassured him, "That's probably impossible, don't worry."

"Well, I hope that's impossible."

Muhammad's policies, particularly the nationalization of tin mining, put Perak on a fast track to development, providing them with a major source of revenue. Murad's visit also brought his brother much-needed resources, including funds, soldiers, and advisors. Of course, Nasser al-Din wasn't one to seek complete control; he only needed them to follow his lead in foreign affairs, granting his children considerable autonomy.

Abbas was furious when he heard that his brother had gone to Sultan Adam in Malaya. He argued with his father and was subsequently locked in a dark room to reflect on his actions. He will play, but he will need to be older.

Sumatra will be temporarily ruled by a governor-general, and will be divided into provinces once the situation stabilizes. After attending the governor-general's inauguration ceremony, Murad and his brother visited Malaya.

Sadiq never expected that he would become the governor here. Although he was not as powerful as the central government departments, he had a great deal of autonomy. If he could achieve some results, the possibility of being transferred back to the central government would be greater.

After taking office, Sadiq prepared two things: first, to collect statistics on the situation on the island, and second, to recruit people. He knew many wealthy people and wanted them to invest here, which would boost the local economy.

Among the first to pledge allegiance in Sumatra were not only the Acehnese, but also the local Chinese. Apart from some indigenous people who followed the Dutch, others also submitted to Iranian rule.

Sadiq's first act upon taking office was to abolish the Dutch policy of forced planting, which severely restricted farmers' freedom. Following this abolition, local residents began to support the Iranian government, allowing Sadiq's household registration and other policies to proceed smoothly. Meanwhile, to better develop its economy, Iran had lifted conscription orders in most areas, except for Georgia and Transoxiana, two regions bordering Russia, which required caution in case of an attack. However, at present, perhaps these concerns are somewhat unfounded.

The Polish uprising had been going on for six months, and their territory had not shrunk but had actually expanded. They controlled Warsaw, Vilnius, Kaunas, Polodsk, and other places, and even launched an attack on Brest-Litovsk, but failed to capture it. Alexander II again mobilized troops, increasing the Russian army to 44 men, and continued to exert pressure on the interior. This resulted in a stalemate.

At this time, however, infighting broke out within the Polish insurgents. Within the Central Committee for Nationalities, the highest governing body, the Red and White factions fought over whether to pursue autonomy or independence, whether to improve the treatment of peasants, and whether to implement conscription. Some members of the White Party actually wanted more autonomy; they didn't want independence. To achieve their goal, they only needed to negotiate with the Tsar, meet his conditions, and remain his most loyal subjects.

The Red Party, however, demanded complete independence and the restoration of Poland's pre-partition territory—the vast land stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea. To this end, they proposed increasing the army by 50 and declaring the complete liberation of the peasantry. This offended the nobility, and the two sides nearly came to blows.

Now, the only one who wanted to unite was Dombrovsky, who had distinguished himself in the offensive and was appointed commander-in-chief of the First Army Corps by the committee. He poured his heart and soul into Poland, but the infighting at the top severely hampered his operations.

In the trenches outside Vilnius, Dombrovsky wiped his blood-stained saber. A messenger came running, panting.

"General! The Central Committee is arguing again! The White Party is advocating for accepting the Tsar's proposal for autonomy, while the Red Party is demanding the execution of all those who compromised!"

The distant roar of artillery fire echoed—the Russian army was attacking the last line of defense. Suddenly, Dombrovsky drew his sword and cleaved a nearby wooden stake in two: "Tell those gentlemen! Either give me the right to conscript and liberate the serfs, or we'll all be on the gallows tomorrow!"

Dombrovsky knew that while the current situation looked good, it was actually far from safe. They didn't have enough manpower to defend themselves, and Iran, which had been supporting them, had stopped providing support after a certain amount of weaponry. Unless they could reach Odessa, Iranian weapons would have to go through Austria to reach them, but even that route was cut off by Austria. They had to use their weapons sparingly.

At this point, the Russian ambassador quickly told Nasser al-Din that the friendship between the two countries was higher than the sky and deeper than the water. Fearing a sudden attack, Nasser al-Din also expressed that the two countries needed more understanding, but hoped that Russia could cooperate with an inclusive attitude.

When this news reached St. Petersburg, Alexander II was practically laughing. Did they think he was a fool? He had evidence that the weapons provided by Iran were the biggest contributor to the Polish uprising, and it seemed they were about to declare war.

"Triumph troop deployment? Complete renovation of the Transoxiana fortress?" He roared, slamming the report into the Army Minister's face. "Are the Iranians really going to war with us for Poland?"

The Foreign Minister presented Tehran's credentials: "The Shah said... this is just a 'routine defense adjustment'."

The Tsar suddenly sneered: "Prepare the horses! I'm going to the front lines myself—to show those Polish nobles that all they have is death!"

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(End of this chapter)