Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 466 Did the Tsar Give in?
“Dear Naser al-Din, there have always been misunderstandings between our two countries in various places. I hope we can resolve them face to face.”

Naserdin looked at the letter, its contents evoking a complex mix of emotions. Judging by the content alone, it didn't seem like it was written by Alexander II.

"Did the Russian ambassador really send this?"

"Yes, Shah, he conveyed His Majesty the Emperor of Russia's eagerness to meet with you."

His anxiety suggests that the situation in Russia is likely worse than he imagined. Recent sales of Russian government bonds only reached 480 million rubles, indicating that bankers are also considering whether Russia's finances can sustain the debt repayments.

"How is the situation at the front?" Nasser al-Din asked the Minister of War.

"Our army has crossed the Caucasus Mountains and has captured the village of Nogesky. Meanwhile, on the eastern front, our army has completely occupied the north bank of the Syr Darya River, forcing the Russian army to retreat."

Naserdin's gaze fell on the huge battle map on the wall. The Iranian flag had already been planted next to Nogesky's mark, and the blue Russian military insignia on the north bank of the Syr Darya River were being replaced with red by the staff one by one.

The newly appointed Finance Minister Jafari rushed in, his telegram still smelling of fresh ink: "Your Majesty, news has just come from the London Stock Exchange that the interest rate on Russian government bonds has exceeded 11%."

Shah suddenly turned his head; this yield was unexpected. Previously, a 5% yield on government bonds indicated a precarious national treasury; 11% was a recipe for bankruptcy.

Russia's finances were as fragile as a leaky bucket. The Shah turned and walked to the balcony, overlooking the myriad lights of Tehran. In the distance, the chimneys of the arsenal still billowed thick smoke, and the assembly lines were continuously producing new rifles. These weapons, made with Iranian materials and machinery, would soon be transported to the front lines by rail.

"Speaking of which, didn't Napoleon also meet with the Russian Emperor?"

Naserdin suddenly recalled the meeting between French Emperor Napoleon and Russian Tsar Alexander I, which was depicted in British satirical cartoons as the two kissing. He remembered it very clearly.

This meeting, known as the Tilsit Conference, is etched in history. France needed Russia to join its continental system. Without Russia's participation, the Continental System would be difficult to implement, as Britain could trade with the European continent through the Russian-controlled Baltic Sea. Russia was also a major supplier of grain and industrial raw materials to Britain, as well as a significant market for British wine and fine fabrics. However, Napoleon could not destroy the vast Russia in the short term and could only achieve his goals through an alliance.

Russia, having lost its allies one by one, was forced to form an alliance with France. However, the results of this meeting were short-lived, and then, as we all know, the rest is history.

"The Chief of the General Staff said we should continue to fight Russia, and it would be best to completely defeat their military strength, otherwise we would have to fight again if we couldn't negotiate the terms."

Musharraf, who had just become Grand Vizier, couldn't believe what he was hearing. No matter how bad Russia was, its size and population were still there. Iran's current scale of war was simply not enough.

"Shah, I think if Russia backs down, peace can be restored. Russia was in the wrong to start this war, and since they haven't admitted it, they should be punished."

All they need to do is acknowledge that the banks of the Syr Darya belong to our country, and then the two countries can engage in peace talks. Austria can be asked to relay this message.

Abdullah explained the matter from his own perspective, which was supported by Musharraf. "I also believe this is the best approach. Our country's current national strength still needs development. If we engage in a protracted war, our country is no match for Russia."

Musharraf's expertise lies in domestic politics and the economy. He was a driving force behind both industrial development and fiscal reforms. He was also a supporter of the expansionist movement to acquire colonies, filling the gaps in Iran's resources and markets. It can be said that Musharraf was a major contributor to the country's economic development in recent years.

Hearing these words, Nasser al-Din also leaned towards peace talks. Salami's proposal clearly only considered his own side's perspective, completely disregarding the overall interests of the nation. Shah secretly decided to give them a dose of reality and discourage their impatience.

"Well... now is not a good time, but the message about peace talks can be conveyed by the Austrian ambassador. If they agree, we can start making preparations."

After stating his decision, Shah continued, "However, our army cannot cease hostilities yet; we need to wait for the outcome of the negotiations before halting them. Tell Chief of Staff Salami to fight hard, to inflict significant pain on Russia. Only then will they be more inclined to negotiate."

Upon hearing Shah's decision, everyone got to work. Everyone was preparing for the upcoming negotiations, should the other side agree.

Meanwhile, in St. Petersburg, Alexander II was discussing matters with his ministers. Not matters of war, but plans for domestic reforms.

Following the emancipation of the serfs, the Tsar began reforms elsewhere, starting with the judiciary. Alexander II abolished the judicial privileges of the nobility, implementing an egalitarian legal system. All cases had to be tried by juries, the trials were open and transparent, and the verdicts were published in newspapers. This reform angered the nobility, who felt their former privileges had been completely stripped away.

Due to the incomplete reform of serfdom, peasant uprisings and riots increased rather than decreased after the reforms, with 2000 peasant uprisings and revolts occurring between 1861 and 1863 alone. Unable to pay land ransoms and unable to manage their own land after the reforms, peasants were forced to rent land from landlords, who then seized the opportunity to appropriate traditional village communal pastures, forests, and grasslands for their own use.

Under these circumstances, coupled with war, Russia continued to face internal and external troubles, which were only escalating.

"Your Majesty, shall we discuss the war with Iran? Krasnodar is in grave danger; if things continue like this..."

Gorchakov's words nearly infuriated the Tsar. He had finally managed to stop thinking about these things, but the minister immediately brought it up.

"How could I not want to? But look at this, look at this. We already have 30 men, and Muravyov still thinks it's not enough, he insists on sending another 15. Where do we have so many troops now? We can't move the troops in Poland, and we also have troops near Romania. In addition, we have to put pressure on the Far East. So, when you think about it, we have no troops left to deploy."

Gorchakov nodded, but as the foreign minister, he had to consider the country's diplomatic situation.

"Your Majesty, are you aware of the meeting between your uncle, Alexander I, and Napoleon?"

The Tsar nodded; he knew perfectly well that the two men, each with their own ulterior motives, had gathered and reached an agreement. That time was just like today. Two nations were vying for power, and peace was needed.

(End of this chapter)