Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 487 Challenge
This visit to the House of Representatives was an eye-opener for Amir, and he couldn't help but admire the physical stamina of the members. Those with poorer stamina would probably have already passed out.

After visiting Parliament, Amir received an invitation from Buckingham Palace. Queen Victoria would meet with him; this was the first time the widowed Queen had invited a foreign guest since Prince Albert's death five years prior.

However, Amir has not yet met the Queen; all affairs are being handled by her son, Prince Edward. It is said that the Queen disliked this son greatly, and if it weren't for him, her husband wouldn't have gone to Cambridge to visit her despite his illness, and thus wouldn't have suffered a worsening of his condition and passed away.

However, Prince Edward gave Amir a friendly impression. Perhaps it was because he was rather heavy; his waist was said to be four feet eight inches, which was unmatched.

Amir and the Crown Prince talked a lot, but Edward couldn't show too much interest in politics in front of the Queen. Others might choose love over power, but he had no power, so he could only love beauty.

Amir was having a good time in Britain, while Musharraf was frustrated. These days, apart from postal savings, the land stratification tax reform has encountered significant resistance in various regions. Landlords are either delaying or refusing, and it's only progressing relatively smoothly in places closer to the city, like Tabriz. In remote areas, especially in the east and Transoxiana, the resistance is particularly strong. Local landlords and remaining mosque members are trying every means to obstruct it.

This is partly due to an imbalance in the development of local governments in Iran. The eastern and central regions, with their extensive railway and telegraph networks, are particularly easy to govern. The eastern regions, however, have less extensive railway and telegraph networks and have not experienced significant instability. Consequently, the government and the Shah are not entirely aware of some local issues.

Musharraf was angry as he read the reports from Kerman and Zahedan provinces. It seemed the locals still didn't quite understand the government's determination to reform.

"What's wrong, dear Grand Vizier? Is something troubling you?"

Musharraf saw Mahdi and simply threw the papers he was holding at him. Of course, this didn't have much offensive power.

"Stop joking. I don't know how you can laugh. You've already taken care of everything at the post office?"

Mahdi was the postal minister recommended by Musharraf to the Shah. He had served as the postmaster in Tabriz and Isfahan, and later undertook the construction of the telegraph line from Tehran to Baghdad. He was very familiar with the postal and telegraph system.

Most importantly, Mahdi was a longtime friend of Musharraf. The purpose of appointing him as Postmaster General is self-evident.

"It's all set up. Now we need to extend the telegraph lines to Kabul and Akmechet. We also need to increase investment in the east. If we want to deal with those people, we have to do it."

Mahdi has summarized the problems with the Iranian postal service as follows: the eastern and western regions are underdeveloped. The western region, including Tabriz, Baku, and Baghdad, has received the most investment. Railways, telegraphs, and other means of facilitating communication have also developed the fastest there. Coupled with abundant job opportunities, most people are willing to move to the west.

While there was some investment in the east, it was less than half that in the west. Railway connections were limited to major cities like Mashhad, Herat, and Samarkand, as were telegraph connections.

Although investment has increased in recent years, it still cannot compare with that of the western regions. Coupled with the somewhat sluggish Iranian economy in recent years, this is why Musharraf is pushing for this largest investment in history, hoping to boost trade and economic activity.

"Needless to say, I've already submitted the proposal to the Shah. The funding has been secured, but some people are always going against me. This is good for them too!"

Musharraf couldn't understand, but Mahdi saw it clearly. "Is it possible that they're not actually against the proposal, but just using it as a pretext to oppose you? Once you step down, they can put someone else in power."

Musharraf looked at the other man and asked, "Do they really have that much guts?"

"Of course there are. You've been the Chancellor of the Exchequer for so many years, don't you know? Look at Europe, they'll even behead a king for their own benefit."

Musharraf quickly stopped him, saying, "Are you out of your mind? If they hear this, you'll be in big trouble."

"If you continue like this, you're probably not far from disaster."

The shadows of the plane trees outside the window cast dappled patterns on the documents. Mahdi's words were like a sharp knife, piercing the truth behind those high-sounding reasons for opposition—this was not a debate about the merits of a policy, but a political hunt targeting him personally.

“You’re right,” Musharraf finally spoke, his voice low. “They’re not against the reforms; they just want to use this opportunity to bring me down.” He picked up a report from Kerman province, which detailed how local landowners had incited peasants to resist land surveys. “These people have connections in Tehran; some even have influence with the Shah.”

“So you have to strike first. Since they’re using the east as a pretext, let the east become your achievement, not your weakness.” He turned and took a roll of map from his briefcase, spreading it out on the table—it was the planned eastern railway network, stretching from Mashhad to Herat, then branching off to Kabul and Samarkand. “The Shah has always wanted to open up trade routes in Central Asia; if we can complete this railway ahead of schedule…”

Musharraf's eyes lit up. He recalled Naser al-Din's recent remarks during his frequent visits to the Baku oil fields: "Oil is a gift from God to Persia, but the railway is the lifeblood that keeps this gift flowing." If the eastern railway could be completed ahead of schedule, it would not only silence the opposition but also demonstrate the Shah's capabilities.

"But what about the funding?" Musharraf frowned. "The treasury has already allocated 80 million riyals to postal savings and land reform; we need additional investment."

"Have you forgotten that the post office also serves as a postal savings route? Although 30% needs to be used for local investment, the rest can still be used."

"It can move, but how much can it move?" Musharraf expressed his doubt.

"About 200 million riyals."

Musharraf is going to fall, what can this little bit of money do? But then I thought, even a little bit is still something, so I might as well use it first.

Just as the two were talking privately, a servant knocked on the door and entered, presenting an urgent telegram. Musharraf unfolded it and his face changed drastically—riots had broken out in Kerman province, officials protesting land surveys had been beaten and maimed by mobs, and the local governor had declared martial law.

“They’re trying to force me to abdicate,” Musharraf sneered, crumpling the telegram into a ball and throwing it into the wastebasket. “Prepare the car; I need to see the Shah immediately.”

(End of this chapter)