Persian Empire 1845
Chapter 536 Two-Year Development Report
Chapter 536 Twenty Years of Development Report (Part Two)
In the economic sphere, Iran's economic reports are also quite optimistic.
1847年到1867年,伊朗雇佣10人以上工厂数量从10家增长到3552家。使用蒸汽动力的占所有工厂的92%。其中中央政府和地方政府创建的工厂达400多家。
Taking the textile industry as an example, Iran's textile industry has absorbed a lot of workers, and because it is greatly affected by the market, it has also become the most important light industry.
Iranian fabrics, silks, and carpets sell well in Europe and Asia. In addition to the fact that the colonies helped consume them and the costs were low, European and American nobles and wealthy merchants were proud to own Iranian carpets, as their exquisite appearance made them a source of pride in their homes.
Iran's textile industry generated 21531 million rials, the highest among light industries. It employs millions of workers and has significantly boosted trade and industrialization. Besides supplying the domestic market, it also exports substantial amounts, reaching 6900 million rials last year.
The paper, furniture, and food industries have also experienced rapid development, with private capital initially flowing into these sectors. Except for remote areas where handicrafts still exist, large-scale factories have been adopted in most places.
Iran's economic model differs from Britain's, being government-led in its economic and trade development. Most of its more than 400 state-owned factories employ thousands or even tens of thousands of workers. While some private enterprises also employ over a thousand people, they are far from reaching tens of thousands.
In terms of imports and exports, Iran's trade volume has successfully exceeded 500 million rials. Benefiting from rising oil prices and economic development in Europe, Iran's trade has become much more active. Regarding imports, 62% are food and raw materials, 30% are industrial products from other countries, and 8% are other products.
The emergence of more new products has led to a significant increase in raw material imports from other countries. Brazil's rubber and France's components are among the most rapidly imported.
Kerosene remains the top export product. This is followed by textiles and agricultural products, which are also important foreign exchange earners. Dyes and bicycles are experiencing rapid growth and are projected to reach 8000 million in export value next year.
The next page shows residents' savings. This is quite simple because the amount is small; Iran's total commercial and postal savings are 10.63 billion rials. This per capita savings of a few dozen rials is still too low. Nasserdin doesn't think Iran follows the same impoverished imperialist development model as Japan. Could it be that Iran's starting point was too low, even lower than Japan's, which explains this situation?
This amount of money is only half of the royal family's savings. Over the years, some members of the royal family have personally engaged in business and have amassed considerable wealth. If it weren't for the large sums they spend on their enjoyment every year and the special donations they make to the royal family, they would be in a terrible predicament.
The central bank also provided data on banknote circulation: 423 billion rials. Ten years ago, this was only a third of that figure. Keep in mind this was the gold standard era, where every banknote was backed by gold. This demonstrates that Iran is gradually changing its impoverished and backward state.
Unfortunately, GDP calculations didn't exist at that time, otherwise Nasser al-Din would really like to see Iran's current ranking.
These figures chronicle Iran's development over the past two decades. Only they know the hardships they endured building it from scratch. Nasser al-Din considered many factors in transforming it into a modern nation. Excessive secularization or religious overreach is not feasible; a unique path was essential. Iran succeeded.
The Iranian delegation spent two months in Osaka, a period marked by some of the most rapid changes in Japan. This was because the shogunate, which had previously refused to relinquish power, surprisingly transferred authority to the Emperor—a process known as the Meiji Restoration.
In the eyes of Shogun Tokugawa Yoshinobu, the Satsuma and Choshu factions were pressing him relentlessly, and the class contradictions within the country were exceptionally acute. If he were to grit his teeth and fight to the death, the only outcome would likely be from resistance to annihilation—the demise of the shogunate.
Now, the return of power to the emperor is undoubtedly an excellent delaying tactic for him. If he complies, he can shut up Satsuma and Choshu: "I have returned power to the imperial court, so what reason do you have to force me or attack me?" Now that the shogunate has returned power to the imperial court, it is just an ordinary daimyo, nominally on equal footing with Satsuma and Choshu. Therefore, their righteous cause of overthrowing the shogunate will naturally be gone. And if the cause is not right, the words will not be proper, and if the words are not proper, the matter will not succeed.
The benefits for the shogunate didn't stop there. Since everyone was now an ordinary daimyo, on equal footing, strength became the deciding factor. At that time, there were 300 daimyo in all of Japan, and only twelve or thirteen of them had territories exceeding 10 koku. Among them, Satsuma and Choshu had territories of 77 koku and 30 koku respectively, while the shogunate's territory amounted to 800 million koku, accounting for a quarter of all of Japan's territories.
So, among the various daimyo involved in politics, who truly held the reins? That came down to power. And in terms of power, it was undoubtedly the Tokugawa clan. You see, the so-called "Great Power" (Ōshū) made little difference whether one handed it over or not. Aside from announcing to the world and submitting a memorial to the Emperor that one would no longer concern oneself with state affairs, nothing else was required. The territory remained the same, the retainers remained the same, and the grain and gold in the granaries remained unchanged. In other words, their power remained the same.
Therefore, once the emperor returns power to the emperor and establishes a parliamentary system, the Tokugawa family will likely still hold the most power in the parliament. As for the idea of establishing an imperial guard for the emperor and giving him his own army, that's just wishful thinking.
In fact, Satsuma and Choshu had long seen through Tokugawa Yoshinobu's true intentions in deciding to restore the imperial rule. They knew what Tokugawa Yoshinobu was up to and understood that the shogunate could not be overthrown without military force. To wage war, one must naturally consider both soft and hard power.
They have no shortage of hard power; they just fought a head-on battle. As for soft power, such as manipulating high-ranking officials or using the Emperor to intimidate others, that falls under the jurisdiction of the imperial court.
Therefore, Sa, Chang, and the other officials secretly reached an agreement to unite their forces and jointly attack the Mu.
Iran also stepped in, with Abdullah risking punishment from the Shah by securing a 600 million rial loan from the Emperor through a guarantee from the Eastern Bank. If things go well, an additional 1400 million rials could be available.
Iran has taken over Mitsui's role, and Abdullah can't control much anymore. His current goal is to recover the loan with interest, which will require incurring even greater costs. Hopefully, this time he will succeed.
The Iranian ambassador to Japan also moved to Osaka, where he awaited the final results, while the rest of the delegation began their return journey to report to the Shah.
(End of this chapter)
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