Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 544 Tense Relations in Europe
The question of the King of Spain became the trigger for every major war in Europe. France would not allow German power to return to Spain, and both Prussia and Austria felt that having a German king would strengthen their power.

France was preparing for war with Austria, but then he heard that if the Habsburgs refused, they would put a member of the Wittelsbach family as King of Spain.

This won't do. Although Germany is the birthplace of many monarchs, France can't continue like this. We must eliminate this threat permanently.

At this time, news also arrived from Prussia that William I congratulated Maximilian on his impending ascension to the throne of Spain. Bismarck also issued a statement saying that Prussia supported Maximilian, King of Sicily, becoming King of Spain. This caused an uproar.

Napoleon III convened an emergency meeting at the Tuileries Palace, where War Secretary Lebeauf spoke directly.

“Your Majesty, we need to use the army to make Prussia understand who is now in charge of Europe! Bismarck has repeatedly thwarted the expansion of the Empire, and we must teach them a lesson.”

Bismarck completely outmaneuvered France, not only refusing to agree to the demand for expansion along the Rhine, but also trying to block the seemingly certain purchase of Luxembourg.

Thinking about this, Napoleon III felt compelled to bring Germany into the face of French wrath once again.

"What's your opinion?"

"Hmm... Send troops to the Rhine to deter Baden and Prussia. If necessary, go to the Belgian border."

This plan is chilling; stationing troops in Belgium would provoke Britain. The Belgian port of Antwerp faces directly towards Britain, and any move to occupy Belgium would be extremely irritating.

"You should know what this means, Your Excellency Lebeauf. The Empire can no longer afford to be dragged into a war. It was too late to intervene in the war between Prussia and Austria before, and the Italian people have a lot of complaints about our country because of the Roman question."

Newly appointed Foreign Minister Marquis Lionel de Mustier warned, "If we cannot manage our relations with other countries, then Spain will once again become a wound for our country, constantly draining our strength."

Napoleon III also had to consider this; his uncle had been defeated in Russia and Leipzig because he was too involved in the Spanish question. He couldn't follow in his footsteps.

"So you think diplomacy alone will suffice?" Napoleon III asked.

“Your Majesty, different countries require different diplomatic approaches. We are now in a situation similar to that of Napoleon I, where we have no staunch allies around us, and changes are necessary.”

Unbeknownst to many, Napoleon III's France had become isolated. Internally, it faced public protests stemming from flawed liberalization measures; externally, it faced the possibility of being surrounded—something unprecedented during Napoleon III's reign.

"And what is your suggestion?" Marquis Mustie thought for a moment and then presented his plan: Increase troop deployment along the Rhine to deter Prussia; simultaneously, send someone to Berlin to meet with King Wilhelm I and obtain a written guarantee that he would not support any Habsburg or Hohenzollern member becoming King of Spain.

A hardline approach was taken against Austria. The Kingdom of Italy was used to counter Austria, and a large-scale offensive was launched along the Sicilian border to force Maximilian to withdraw his declaration.

This should be the best solution. If it were just one country, France could manage, but now it's Prussia and Austria working together. France clearly can't withstand the pressure.

"Then so be it. Tell the King of Italy that France supports their legitimate claim to Austrian territory."

The French political and propaganda apparatus began to stir. Regarding the succession to the Spanish throne, both royalists and republicans believed that a German should not be allowed to inherit it. On this point, they were still willing to support Napoleon III.

Fueled by French cabinet officials, anger in Paris was growing. Some republicans expressed confidence in the wisdom of the Prussian and Austrian peoples, as well as the friendship of the Spanish, and believed they would not allow this to happen. But if their hopes were dashed, the French knew how they had to fulfill their responsibilities; they could not tolerate another country placing one of their nobles on the throne of Charles V. This would disrupt the balance of power and threaten French interests.

Meanwhile, Bismarck began his own diplomatic efforts, solidifying the Russian Empire's neutrality. He didn't know if Tsar Alexander II would actively offer assistance. But he was certain that he preferred not to seek help from the Russian Empire, because past experience showed that when Germany joined a war between France and Russia, the situation was always extremely unfavorable for Germany.

For Austria, Berlin and Vienna had long ago established a secret telegraph line. Any message could be transmitted in the shortest possible time. Prussia's support for the Habsburgs' acquisition of the Spanish throne was simply a matter of the two countries re-establishing their alliance.

Franz wasn't so petty; he knew that allying with Prussia was Austria's best option. The Prussian-trained army was far superior in both combat effectiveness and morale. The only downside was that Austria's annual military expenditure accounted for 25% of its budget, forcing him to seek foreign investment again, especially assistance from Iran.

The French cabinet publicly declared that the Prussian government was responsible for choosing a successor and insisted that Prussia retract its declaration. Napoleon III was determined to use this opportunity to humiliate Prussia.

If Prussia were to reverse its decision, the French could then proclaim to the world that William I had backed down because of France's open intimidation. This would severely damage Prussia's domestic prestige, and other countries would begin to doubt Prussia's integrity.

Therefore, when the French ambassador, Vincent Benedetti, requested a meeting with Wilhelm I, Wilhelm I found himself in a difficult position. This situation was not what Wilhelm I had desired, and his earlier concerns seemed to have been fully validated. Wilhelm I protested the harsh rhetoric of the French press and cabinet, repeatedly stating that the Prussian cabinet had nothing to do with any consultations and that the Prussian ministers were completely unaware of them.

William I's rhetoric did not increase French trust in Prussia. They could not accept the difference between William I's behavior as a monarch and his behavior as a head of a family.

While Paris was in a state of high spirits, and French ministers were holding frequent meetings and discussing war throughout the city, Prussian ministers continued to enjoy their holidays. The Prussian ministers had nothing to worry about: with their armies well-prepared, they could simply observe France's actions. Except, of course, Bismarck.

(End of this chapter)