Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 594 New Discussion
“Shah, during this period we have brought in 6369 talents from various European countries, including those from fourteen industries such as steel, textiles, chemicals, diamonds, and shipbuilding.”

These people can't even survive in Europe, so the lure of Iranian salaries naturally comes their way. Moreover, Iran practices religious tolerance and there's no risk of religious persecution; they simply need to adapt to local customs.

"That's good. Let Gahraman continue recruiting. Anyone with good skills can make money there."

When it comes to the business environment, Iran is also working hard to improve it, cracking down on smuggling, publishing commercial laws, and ensuring fair trade. Iran also shows a lot of tolerance towards these talents, even better than they do in their own countries.

Speaking of engineering projects, Iran's recent controversial construction plan has stirred up the entire country. This plan, drafted by Sadiq and approved by the Shah, is arguably the most audacious of all.

The core principle of the plan is to invest in strategic assets that can immediately create jobs, rapidly enhance agricultural and export capabilities, and strengthen national economic sovereignty, with "steel, food, and sovereignty" at the heart of the strategy. This will be achieved through multiple avenues, including agriculture, industry, commerce, and education.

In addition to what was previously agreed upon, there are also the need to extend transportation in the Arabian Peninsula, including railways and highways, protect the livelihoods of local people, plant trees around oases to prevent them from shrinking, strengthen trade management in port cities, and make more investments in peninsula cities such as Muscat and Yanbu.

The peninsula region has historically relied on local nobles to assist the Shah in governance. In several provinces, 60% of officials were selected from local tribal nobles, a situation that has been constantly changing in recent years. This large-scale construction project presents an opportunity to relocate them from government positions to other areas.

“What happened to those loss-making factories?” Nasserdin asked Rabbani.

“We will restructure some of the factories, merging them with the factories that are still in operation. The other part will be auctioned off directly to businessmen.”

The economic crisis also presented an opportunity for corporate restructuring, with Iranian state-owned enterprises beginning to merge. Seven textile factories in Tehran, Tabriz, Isfahan, and other locations will be merged into the Persian Textile Company, employing over 7 workers and becoming one of Iran's largest enterprises.

Some businesses that suffered severe losses were auctioned off to merchants or factory owners, while others sold partial shares to revitalize the business. The same applied to businesses owned by royalty.

Sepa Trading Company acquired four bankrupt small and medium-sized trading companies, Iran-Arab Company was renamed Peninsula Development Company, and other companies either changed their names or merged. Economic concentration was further strengthened.

Even so, the number of unemployed in Iran remains enormous. They search for any possible job in the shadows of the cities. Behind them are hundreds of thousands of families.

The Liberal Party urged the government in Parliament not to forget those who, if they were to protest, would certainly cause social unrest. Liberal MP Mousavi once again stepped forward, asking the government to consider his proposal.

"To promote the virtue of mutual assistance, to solidify the foundation of the empire, and to protect the hardworking artisans and laborers of the nation so that they may enjoy a basic livelihood in times of illness, old age, unemployment, and hardship, this law of protection is established in accordance with the good system of the ancient Vakf." Musawi wrote more details about his artisan and laborer mutual aid society, an organization funded by state appropriations and donations from wealthy merchants to provide basic relief to its members who are sick or unemployed.

This capital is not used directly for relief payments, but rather as perpetual principal. It will be invested in areas that generate stable returns, and only the interest, rent, and dividends generated from these investments will be used to pay members' relief funds. This ensures the long-term sustainability of the mutual aid society's funds, rather than a one-time expenditure.

Members are required to pay small dues regularly by artisans and workers registered in the city. This is not only about raising a small amount of operating funds, but also about cultivating a sense of responsibility and belonging among members—relief is not charity, but the right to help each other.

The relief program covers two main areas: illness and unemployment. It includes partial subsidies for medical treatment and medication, or basic living expenses during illness; and temporary, time-limited basic food or cash assistance for members who are involuntarily unemployed (such as factory closures or seasonal shutdowns) to help them get through the difficult times until they find new jobs.

Mousavi also cited his experience in Basra, where he and several businessmen donated a portion of their wealth to establish a small mutual aid society, attracting many workers to join. Now, the Basra Mutual Aid Society has grown into a small group of 1300 people who only need to pay a small monthly fee to receive relief when needed.

Mousavi also led a march in Basra, where he gave a speech in front of the city hall, urging the government to pay attention to people like him who are at the bottom of society.

“We don’t ask the country to take care of us in every way. We just hope that the country can support our actions. We also need to support our families, but we also hope to take action with our own hands.”

The proposal received support from some left-wing Liberal Party members in Parliament. Even though the country is in a state of emergency, the bill can still be voted on, and if it receives more than half the support, it can be sent to the government for implementation.

Furthermore, Mousavi did not propose large-scale government funding, but rather suggested that the Waqf, under the Ministry of Religious Affairs, allocate a portion to establish mutual aid societies. However, this undoubtedly met with opposition from religious conservatives.

Conservative religious scholars argue that the Vahaf is a purely religious act of charity, whose establishment, management, and beneficiaries must strictly adhere to Islamic law, with its ultimate purpose being "drawing closer to God." They view this law, however, as state-led and instrumentalizing the Vahaf for political and economic ends, as theologically blasphemous and distorted. They accuse it of using God's name to enrich the national treasury and consolidate rule, rather than a pious act.

They also oppose including emerging professions such as miners and railway workers in the social security system. They may believe that the working conditions or products in these professions are questionable or even illegal. Providing relief to these people would be tantamount to funding "immoral" behavior with "unclean" money.

More than 6 people rallied in front of the Grand Mosque in Najaf to oppose the proposal, chanting slogans such as "God helps those who help themselves, not those who are lazy and need to use state funds." They argued that providing unemployment benefits would encourage laziness and lack of ambition, violating Islamic teachings that encourage diligence and oppose dependence on others.

The religious court in Najaf ordered a ban on the use of the vakf, but the local secular court upheld this decision. The debate raged on the charitable and sacred nature of the vakf, sparking discussions elsewhere.

(End of this chapter)