Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 631 The Tsar's Response

The sky over St. Petersburg has been overcast lately, and for the Russian government, nothing worries them more than the same monarchy in Ottoman Iran.

Alexander II was so angry that he couldn't eat. Iran acquired the Ottoman Empire and Egypt without losing a single soldier, and its sphere of influence suddenly expanded to Europe and Africa, which was even faster than Russia's expansion.

Not only that, they originally didn't take the Ottomans seriously. Now that the Ottoman monarch has changed to Nasser al-Din, this Iranian revitalizer will surely revive the Ottoman Empire, and he has already begun to do so. He's quelling the Bosnian conflict, reforming the tax system, and improving the army; who knows what will happen given more time.

“One monarch! The same monarch!” The Tsar’s voice was hoarse with anger as he surveyed his ministers. Foreign Minister Gorchakov, Army Minister Milyutin, and Navy Minister Grand Duke Constantine. “Our goal, for which we have bled and fought for centuries, the path to the warm seas, is about to be permanently blocked by an Iranian through cunning and luck! He now controls the straits, controls Egypt, and his influence extends from the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean! And we, the great Russia, seem to have become mere bystanders!”

He jumped to his feet and slammed his fist on the map, pointing to the location of Constantinople: "This is more humiliating than Napoleon's army marching to the gates of Moscow! We cannot accept this! We absolutely cannot!"

Foreign Minister Gorchakov, a seasoned diplomat, had to remain calm. “Your Majesty, your anger is the anger of all Russia. But precisely because of this, we need to be even more cautious. Iran’s actions have indeed broken the century-old balance. But it is precisely because its foundation is unstable and its internal contradictions are rampant that this presents an opportunity for us.”

“Your Majesty, the Iranian monarch’s actions, though seemingly clever, have inadvertently placed him in a precarious position. He has simultaneously provoked the British’s sensitivity to the balance of power in the Mediterranean, the French’s ambitions toward Egypt, and… the desire for liberation among our Slavic brothers. Any misstep now could lead to his utter ruin.”

"Gorchakov, do you mean we're just going to watch?" Grand Duke Constantine, the Minister of the Navy, interrupted impatiently. "Once he's finished consolidating his power, with the Ottoman army combined with Iran's wealth and that madman's ambition, will the Black Sea still be our inland lake?"

“Of course not, Your Highness.” Gorchakov bowed slightly. “What I mean is, we can’t be the first to rush in and become his target for consolidating his internal power and diverting attention from internal conflicts. We need allies, and even more so, we need a… perfect excuse.”

Marshal Milyutin, the Minister of War who had remained silent until now, spoke up, looking at the Balkan Peninsula on the map: "The Duke is right. Naserdin's attempt to establish autonomy in Bosnia is an excellent breakthrough. We can openly question its authenticity, declaring it merely a delaying tactic by the Persians to deceive European public opinion, another form of enslavement of Christians. We should redouble our support for the liberation movements in Bosnia, Bulgaria, and even Macedonia."

“We can send more military advisors, send retired officers as volunteers, and provide better weapons. Let the fires in the Balkans burn even brighter, forcing Iran to continuously pour resources and troops into the region, bleeding them dry. At the same time, in the Caucasus, we must exert unprecedented pressure. Reinforce our troops in Krasnodar, conduct large-scale exercises, and create a posture of readiness to move south at any moment. We must make them unable to attend to both ends.” “Military pressure is necessary, but not enough,” Gorchakov added, his gaze turning to the West. “We must frame this as a European problem, not just a simple Russia-Iran conflict. We must emphasize to London and Vienna that an ambitious empire ruled by a Persian monarch threatens not only Russia but also the security and trade routes of the entire Christian world. Especially the British—can they really tolerate a potentially hostile power simultaneously controlling the Suez Canal and the Bosphorus Strait?”

For Britain, such an empire would certainly spark heated internal debate. Russia's objective would be achieved simply by having Britain send a fleet to the Mediterranean. With Britain's collapse, Germany and Austria would also support them, just like Ali in Egypt, who ultimately had to relinquish everything.

“You are all right.” The Tsar’s voice regained its former majesty, but it was deeper and more dangerous. “Iran has played a bold game, so we will play an even bigger one with him.”

"Gorchakov, you are in charge. Send notes to London, Paris, Berlin, and Vienna, clearly stating our concerns. Tell the British that Iran's next step is to completely control Egypt and push their influence out of the Nile. Tell the Austrians that an empire more powerful than the Ottomans has appeared on their flank, which could trigger a third Battle of Vienna at any time."

“Milyutin, execute your plan. But be ruthless and faster. I want to see Bosnia’s autonomy completely bankrupt and Bulgaria engulfed in uprisings. Money, weapons, people—you want as much as you need, I’ll give you. Let Iran’s policies become an international joke.”

“This crucial step…” Alexander II’s gaze deepened. “We need to deliver a fatal blow to him from within. Within the Ottoman Empire, does everyone willingly accept a foreign, heretical monarch? Those old nobles who have been stripped of their power, those devout Sunni ulama who view Shia Islam as heresy, those nationalists who fear being assimilated by Persia… Find them, fund them, incite them.”

He looked at the head of the Third Bureau, who had always been in charge of secret affairs: "In Constantinople, in Ankara, in Damascus, I want to hear voices against Nasser al-Din. Spread rumors that he will move all the wealth of the Ottomans to Baghdad, that he will replace all languages ​​with Persian. Let doubt and fear take root in the heart of his rule."

"Naser al-Din wants an empire? Fine, I'll give him one. An empire beset by internal and external troubles. We'll make him understand that some thrones aren't so easy to sit on. Russia's patience is limited. When he's exhausted by internal rebellions and financial crises, that will be the day our army crosses the Caucasus Mountains and enters Constantinople!"

After the meeting, the Winter Palace's orders were sent out in countless encrypted telegrams and messengers in all directions. Russia's war machine, though not yet officially operational, was already gearing up at high speed towards the goal of destroying Naser al-Din's new empire.

(End of this chapter)