Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 641 The Baghdad Conference (Part 1)
Murad is also holding a state meeting in Baghdad, and he hasn't had an easy time these past nine months either. The continuous flow of funds and supplies to the Ottoman Empire has revitalized the Iranian economy, but it has also increased Iran's fiscal deficit. Coupled with preparations for war, the financial situation for the next five years is likely to be unfavorable!

"The current deficit has exceeded 7000 million, even surpassing the revenue growth of kerosene. We must be cautious in the coming period."

"That's impossible. War with Russia is imminent. We can't abandon our military plans just because of your words."

Finance Minister Shahryari and the Army Minister are arguing about the current situation, which also includes the navy. This time, it seems we'll be facing a series of challenges from three major powers: Britain, France, and Russia.

The British navy, the French army, and the Russian manpower—they seemed invincible by any measure.

"I know war is imminent. But what is this war about? It's about money! It's about resources! It's about our national destiny for the next few decades! Our oil revenue growth is indeed encouraging, but it's all been poured into that bottomless pit of the Ottoman Empire! Now, we're not facing one enemy, we're facing three! It's Britain, it's France, it's Russia! This isn't war, it's suicide!"

The Minister of War immediately retorted: "Shahryari! Is the book all you care about? The moment the Shah arrived in Constantinople, we had no way out! Abandon the military plan? Are you going to wait until the Russian Cossack cavalry are at the gates of Baghdad before you start settling accounts with them?"

"Then what do you suggest we do?" Shahryari retorted. "Use your soldiers' bayonets to hold off British battleships? Use our flesh and blood to exhaust Russia's vast population? Without money, without supplies, what will you fight with? With just hot blood? Can hot blood make cannons fire on their own, or make warships move on their own?"

The meeting reached a stalemate. A sense of pessimism and despair was spreading. Indeed, on paper, it was an impossible task.

Foreign Minister Abdullah, who had been silent until now, finally spoke. His voice was soft, but it silenced everyone. As a member of the royal family, did his words represent the Shah's?
"Gentlemen," he said slowly, "what you say makes sense. The financial difficulties are a fact, and the threat of war is also a fact. But have you forgotten that Iran, and the Ottoman Empire we now possess, are not fighting alone? Have you forgotten that our enemies are not a monolithic force?"

"Your Excellency Shahryari, your concerns are entirely valid. We must never wage a suicidal war without preparation. And you, Your Excellency Minister of War, your resolve is the cornerstone of our survival. Now, what we need to do is not argue about whether to fight or not, but how to fight smartly, how to make our enemy bleed and collapse before us."

He began his analysis, clearly and logically, getting straight to the point:

"First of all, our enemies are not monolithic. London and Paris may seem like allies, but their core interests are quite different. Britain wants maritime hegemony, absolute security of access to India, and commercial advantage. The French McMahon government wants to divert domestic attention, rebuild its prestige as a major power, and may even pave the way for a restoration of the monarchy. This means that the French crave a victory that can bring quick glory, while the British prefer a cost-effective blockade and war of attrition that can ensure their long-term interests. This is their first rift."

"Then there are Britain and Russia. Please don't forget the Crimean War! Britain will never truly trust Russia, much less want to see Russian power expand beyond the Black Sea and encroach upon the Mediterranean and the Suez Canal! Their alliance against the enemy is only temporary. Once Russia displays an overly powerful offensive in the Caucasus, even threatening the Straits, the British will be far more worried than hostile towards us." Having analyzed the adversaries, Abdullah began to analyze the allies.

"Secondly, we have more friends than we think, at least 'non-hostile.' Emperor Franz has demonstrated benevolent neutrality. This means that the enormous pressure on our western front has been relieved. What we need to do is consolidate this neutrality. Make the Hungarian landowners and Austrian factory owners our de facto allies, whose interests are now tied to our survival."

"And let's not forget the spies the Shah planted in Ukraine and the Caucasus. When the Russian army is bogged down in the Caucasus Mountains, their logistical pressure will be enormous, and domestic discontent will grow. Our earlier aid to the Ukrainians is now coming in handy. Even in Poland and Finland, those peoples oppressed by Russia are forces we can indirectly utilize."

Next, Abdullah turned to Shahriari and proposed a specific financial solution:
"Your Excellency Shahryari, regarding financial matters, we cannot focus solely on domestic tax revenue and the current deficit. War is also a kind of 'business,' except that what we invest is not money, but the nation's destiny, and what we receive in return is living space and the right to development for the next hundred years. Napoleon's tactics are worth learning from."

Napoleon's strategy of using war to sustain war made up for a significant portion of his expenses. By confiscating the property of defeated royal families and feudal nobles, by directly plundering enemy troops, fortresses, museums, and resource treasures, by demanding war reparations from the enemy in cash or in kind, and by stationing French troops on the territories of satellite states and demanding that they provide supplies for his troops, Napoleon not only satisfied his enormous military expenditures, but also actually gained considerable benefits for France and himself.

For example, after the Battle of Jena, Prussia was forced to pay France 3.11 million francs in reparations, an amount equivalent to half of the French government's annual revenue. After each defeat, the Habsburg dynasty was forced to cede territory and pay hefty war reparations. Between 1805 and 1812, Italy handed over approximately half of its tax revenue to France.

"In the early stages of the war, especially in the direction of Greece and in possible naval raids, the objective should not be merely to repel the enemy, but to seize valuable assets, such as capturing or sinking enemy ships to obtain technology, attacking Greek port facilities and seizing their merchant ships to supplement our transport capacity."

Furthermore, if Britain were to declare war, we would have no choice but to take action against India. At worst, we'd all perish together!

Finally, Abdullah said.

"Gentlemen, this is a high-stakes gamble with our fates at stake. But we are not without a chance. Our strategy should not be to fight three giants head-on at once. Our goal is not total victory, but invincibility. As long as we can stand firm in this storm and force the enemy to the negotiating table, we will be the victors!"

(End of this chapter)