Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 643 Franco-Russian Alliance
Alexander II looked at the battle report, his face expressionless. The sinking of a French gunboat was of little concern to him; in fact, it brought a faint sense of satisfaction. What he cared about was whether this conflict could open a window into Russia's centuries-old strategic dream: the capture of Constantinople and the Straits.

Foreign Minister Prince Gorchakov advised, “Your Majesty, Naserdin’s arrogance has created an unprecedented opportunity for us. England and France have been dragged into the mire, and they now need us as a parched traveler needs a spring. This is our golden opportunity!”

But the Tsar still had reservations: "An alliance with Paris? Gorchakov, our conflicts with Austria in the Balkans and our global rivalry with Britain will not disappear. Can the French be trusted? They did not leave us with a good impression in Crimea."

“Your Majesty, this is not an alliance based on trust, but a temporary union based on common interests and a common enemy,” Gorchakov succinctly analyzed. “France needs our army to crush Naser al-Din’s ground forces, and we need French naval and diplomatic support to counter possible British intervention and ultimately achieve our goals in the Straits. It is a mutually beneficial deal.”

Army Minister Milyutin also strongly advocated for an alliance: "Our troops are fully deployed in the Caucasus and Danube regions. Joining forces with France, we can advance from both east and west, completely dismantling this Persian-cobbled empire. At that time, the Black Sea will become Russia's inland lake, and you will become the greatest emperor in history to reclaim Constantinople!"

Alexander II was deeply moved by the phrase "the greatest emperor of all time." Recapture of Constantinople and raising the double-headed eagle banner atop Hagia Sophia had been the dream of every tsar since Catherine the Great. His inner resolve began to shift.

“You’re right, Your Grace,” the Tsar finally spoke, his voice low and firm. “This is indeed an opportunity, one we cannot afford to miss. But negotiating with the French must be as prudent as walking on ice. We must ensure that Russia ultimately reaps the greatest rewards, and not that we are merely doing the work for others.”

He authorized Gorchakov to send messages to Paris through secret channels.

Meanwhile, at the Élysée Palace in Paris, President McMahon received news of the Beirut incident. After the initial shock and anger, a mixture of excitement and anxiety settled over him. War had begun, but France was facing a vast, integrated empire alone, and the future was uncertain. He desperately needed a strong land ally, and Russia was the only and best option.

Thus, in January 1873, the most bizarre yet predictable scene unfolded on the European diplomatic stage: two nations, bitter enemies in the Crimean War and deeply suspicious of each other, began highly secret alliance negotiations. The meeting place was chosen to be Geneva, Switzerland, to avoid the ubiquitous spies and opposition forces within Britain, France, and Russia.

The Russian representative was Prince Gorchakov, the Foreign Minister, while the French representative was Prince de Caesars, McMahon's most trusted personal advisor and Foreign Minister. The negotiations proceeded in a highly secretive atmosphere, marked by mutual probing.

In the first round of confrontation, Gorchakov went straight to the point: "Russia has only one core demand: to gain complete control of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles after the war, and to occupy Constantinople." This is Russia's century-old dream, and there is no room for compromise.

De Katz immediately retorted: "Your Grace, that's impossible! It would completely alter the balance of power in the Mediterranean, and not only Britain, but all of Europe would not agree to it. France's bottom line is that the Straits must be internationalized or controlled by a weak and harmless regime. Our core interests lie in the Levant and Palestine; we need to establish permanent protection and influence there."

The first round of negotiations ended in discord, with both sides seemingly having irreconcilable differences. In reality, it was also a way for them to reveal their bottom lines.

During a recess, Gorchakov instructed his deputy to convey a message to the French in an "informal" manner: "His Excellency the Duke understands the special interests of the Levant. Perhaps we can also find some... consensus on the Egyptian question? After all, London's attitude is always so unsettling."

In the second round of negotiations, the atmosphere subtly shifted. De Katz no longer aggressively opposed Russia's claims to the Strait, but instead began to discuss "methods of achieving them."

“Your Grace,” de Katz carefully chose his words, “direct annexation of Constantinople and control of the Straits would have disastrous consequences. But if, after the war, a new regime were established in Constantinople… well, a new regime dependent on Russian military protection, which would invite the Russian fleet to be stationed there and grant administration of the Straits, wouldn’t the resistance from the international community be much less?” Gorchakov sneered inwardly; it was nothing more than a change in name only, but his face showed an expression of appreciation: “A very constructive idea, Your Grace. An independent Constantinople state, but one connected to us by blood, is indeed a possible solution.” He deliberately blurred the line between pro-Russian and complete control.

Next, the two sides began lengthy and arduous negotiations on the details of the terms, with every word filled with calculation:
Military cooperation clause: Russia pledged to launch a decisive offensive against the Ottoman-Iranian coalition forces from two directions, the Caucasus and the Danube, within one month of the treaty's entry into force.

France pledged that its Mediterranean fleet would coordinate operations with the Russian Black Sea Fleet, with the primary objective of destroying or blockading Ottoman and Iranian naval forces and ensuring a safe landing of French troops in the Levant. Both sides committed not to make peace with their adversaries alone.

2. Territorial and political arrangements:
Russia will receive: the establishment of a pro-Russian protectorate in Bulgaria in the northern Balkans after the war.

To annex vast territories of the Ottoman Empire in Eastern Anatolia, extending as far as Trabzon-Erzurum. To secure the establishment of the Free City of Constantinople, possessing land on both sides of the Bosphorus, with its security and independence guaranteed by Russia.

France would gain: mandated rule or protectorate status over Syria, Lebanon, and the Palestinian territories; equal political and economic privileges with Britain in Egypt, with reserved rights for possible future actions; and control of Tripolitania in Ottoman North Africa.

Joint arrangement: Recognizing Austria's "special interests" in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

It encouraged and supported countries such as Greece, Serbia, and Montenegro to partition the remaining European territories of the Ottoman Empire.

The central Anatolian plateau was left to a severely weakened, landlocked remnant of the Ottoman state, serving as a buffer zone between Russia and France.

Iran must completely withdraw its sphere of influence to its pre-1872 borders and pay huge war reparations.

Meanwhile, regarding the terms concerning Britain: both sides agreed to jointly resist any unilateral British intervention in the Straits and Egyptian affairs during and after the war. They tacitly permitted each other to take measures to exclude British commercial and financial interests within their respective spheres of influence.

The negotiations lasted for several days, with the two sides repeatedly stalemate over territorial division, the scale of troop deployment, and the timetable. Gorchakov insisted that the French fleet must undertake the main naval combat missions to preserve the strength of the Russian Black Sea Fleet for post-war control of the straits; while de Katz repeatedly demanded that the Russian army bear the main casualties and launch an offensive as soon as possible to alleviate the pressure that France might face.

Finally, late at night on January 24, 1873, the Geneva Accords were completed. By candlelight, Gorchakov and De Katz, representing the Russian Empire and the French Republic respectively, signed their names on the document. They did not use the state seal, nor did they hold a grand ceremony; this document, which would change the fate of countless people, was signed in silence.

(End of this chapter)