Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 667 Religious Tolerance
When the news reached Prince Rostovsky's headquarters, the proud nobleman could hardly believe his ears!

"What?! Did they fall from the sky?! Krest Pass? There's no way an army can pass through there!" he roared in exasperation. However, scouts and a flurry of distress calls from the rear confirmed this nightmarish news.

The Russian central army was trapped and beaten! Their massive forces and numerous artillery pieces were now crammed into the Daryar Gorge and the limited area at its northern end.

Prince Rostovsky found himself in an unprecedented predicament. Continue the offensive? Logistics were cut off, ammunition and manpower were not being replenished, and morale was low. Turn back to deal with the enemy from the rear? The enemy forces on the front would inevitably seize the opportunity to counterattack, with unimaginable consequences.

Just as he was hesitating, on May 21, the Iranian Fifth Army on the main battlefield, after receiving a small amount of reinforcements and supplies, launched a full-scale and fierce counterattack under the command of General Sadar! The Iranian soldiers, who had been suppressed for several days, leaped out of their fortifications like tigers descending the mountain and launched a desperate charge against the Russian army, which was already showing signs of fatigue and panic.

Meanwhile, Iranian assault groups in the north also began to press south, using precise artillery and rifle fire to continuously weaken the Russian rearguard.

The Russian central army, attacked from both sides, suffered from chaotic command and near-collapse in morale. Prince Rostovsky attempted to organize a breakout to the northeast, but the retreat route was firmly blocked by the Iranian assault group using the advantageous terrain. The battle turned into a one-sided massacre and squeeze.

By the evening of May 23, the once formidable main force of the Russian central army had suffered a devastating defeat in the Darya Valley and the area to its north. More than 5 men were captured, and countless others were killed or missing. A large quantity of heavy artillery and technical equipment was seized by the Iranian army. Prince Rostovsky himself was also captured after being struck by a stray bullet while attempting to break out on horseback in the chaos.

Iran's repeated repelling of Russian attacks has put other countries on edge. Considering that even a powerful figure like Napoleon was defeated by Russia, and the Ottoman Empire's military strength has skyrocketed under a new master, then Russia must be incredibly weak.

Meanwhile, in the Ottoman Empire, something shocking was unfolding both domestically and internationally: the Ottoman government officially announced that it would restore some of the functions of the Hagia Sophia, transforming it into a museum, and that the Patriarch of Constantinople would also conduct some religious ceremonies there.

This was also recognized by the Orthodox Church. Antithaem IV expressed his support for the Sultan's decision and said that Sultan Naser al-Din was the most tolerant ruler, surpassing all previous Ottoman Sultanates.

He also criticized the Serbian and Moscow churches, accusing them of becoming vassals of Russia, willingly serving as pawns of the Tsar for the slightest favor. He argued that they had lost all virtue and would surely be abandoned!

On the day the news was announced, countless Orthodox Christians flooded the streets, not to protest, but to cheer and weep. Many knelt before Hagia Sophia, still surrounded by minarets, making the sign of the cross, tears streaming down their faces. Four hundred years of long-held aspirations, though not fully realized, Nasser al-Din's actions undoubtedly broke the first crack in the ice, giving them unprecedented hope and dignity.

However, in St. Petersburg, this news was interpreted as the most vicious provocation and the most insidious political conspiracy. Tsar Alexander II flew into a rage in the Winter Palace. "Blasphemy! This is blasphemy against the most sacred symbol of the Orthodox Church! That Persian infidel, does he think he can buy off God's servant with such petty favors?" he roared at his trembling ministers. "Antiems, that traitor! He has betrayed the faith, betrayed all true Orthodox Christians! He has become that Persian's pet!"

More importantly, Naser al-Din's move precisely struck at one of the core legitimacies of Russia's war effort: the protection of oppressed Orthodox Christians within the Ottoman Empire. Now that the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople publicly praised the Ottoman Sultan as "the most tolerant ruler," what pretext could Russia use to liberate them? Orthodox hymns would once again resound in Hagia Sophia; what would be the purpose of Russian cannons firing then?

On the Balkan front, the impact of this news was even more direct.

The Serbian and Greek soldiers fighting the Ottoman army were filled with confusion. They had been told they were fighting to liberate their compatriots and their faith, yet now the Patriarch of Constantinople was singing praises to their enemies, and the Hagia Sophia was even about to reopen to the Orthodox Church. The meaning of their fight seemed to have been emptied in an instant. Although nationalist fervor remained high, the aura of holy war had dimmed, and morale had inevitably been affected.

Of course, risks also existed. Some extreme Crescent Moon believers within the empire were dissatisfied, seeing it as a weakening of their religious status. However, Naserdin, through strong early rule and military victories, as well as skillful control of public opinion, suppressed these discontents within manageable limits. He also emphasized that this move was for the unity and stability of the empire, and to dismantle more dangerous enemies from within.

But a series of victories at the front and land reforms dampened their voices. A segment of the population, those with modern educations or close ties to industry and commerce, while emotionally uncomfortable, understood the decision from a strategic imperial perspective. They saw it as a necessary means to stabilize the internal situation, divide the enemy, and enhance the empire's international image.

However, among the devout lower classes and some conservative members of Ulema, discontent surged like an undercurrent. Sharing the Hagia Sophia, a symbol of conquest, with infidels was seen as an unacceptable concession and blasphemy. In some underground taverns and conservative religious schools, criticism of the Sultan was rampant.

Therefore, propaganda and control of public opinion were of paramount importance. All official propaganda strived to portray Russia as the common enemy of all its subjects—a nation that sought not only to conquer land but also to destroy everyone's beliefs and way of life. Mosques and churches alike would be reduced to ashes under Russian rule. Nasser al-Din presented himself as the sole leader to guide all in resisting this catastrophe against civilization.

Newspapers lavished praise on the Sultan's "unparalleled benevolence" and "imperial magnanimity that transcends religion," portraying the move as a step towards a "great fusion" that would rebuild the glory of Rome and Persia. Emphasis was placed on the fact that all loyal subjects of the empire, regardless of faith, would share in the empire's glory and future. Victories at the front were sensationalized, attempting to shift public attention from religious controversy to national pride and a desire for victory.

The reports of victories at the front became the most powerful defense of Naserdin's policies. The timely news of the great victory at the Dalyar Gorge greatly boosted morale at home. When people read reports of the valiant imperial army, including Muslim and Christian soldiers fighting side-by-side, annihilating tens of thousands of Russian troops, many of the initial skeptics began to fall silent or change their minds. Victory is the best glue.

(End of this chapter)