From street tabloids to the first newspaper of the Republic of China

evening.

Shen Zishi sat on the Bund for an entire afternoon before returning to the French Concession somewhat dejected.

His mind was filled with Shi Jiaxiu's words, and he felt quite uncomfortable.

For a middle-aged man like him, who has no children, the most devastating thing is achieving nothing in his career.

If he had known earlier that Lin Wangzheng was so capable, he should have worked hard sooner instead of suffering this humiliation now.

But it's too late to say anything; being unworthy is being unworthy.

Pushing open the hotel room door, I saw Lin Wangzheng sitting at the table, revising his manuscript while facing the setting sun; his back view was extremely handsome.

The table was covered with manuscript paper, and the ashtray was piled high with cigarette butts.

"You're back? Did you run into trouble?"

Lin Wangzheng didn't even look up, a cigarette dangling from his mouth, his pen scratching across the paper.

Shen Zishi closed the door, went inside, sat down in a chair, took the pipe out of his mouth, placed it on the table, and quietly watched Lin Wangzheng write.

Even without his pen, my nephew could have made a name for himself in the wealthy wives' circle of Shanghai with his good looks.

Why bother staying with him, hiding in the alleyways of the French Concession, where you don't even dare to show your name?

Lin Wangzheng quickly finished writing the last paragraph, put down his pen, looked up at Shen Zishi, and his eyes were tired.

However, he noticed that his uncle's expression was somewhat complicated today; he was neither happy nor unhappy.

It's like you're thinking about something, and then your brain just shuts down.

"Have you found those six people from the Preparatory Committee for the Establishment of Peace?"

"Found it."

Shen Zishi took out his notebook and laid it out on the table.

Lin Wangzheng nodded, picked it up and quickly glanced through it, then said:

"Enough... What's wrong with you? Can't you just say what's on your mind?"

Shen Zishi spoke with some difficulty:

"Wang Zheng, let me ask you something."

"explain."

"Would you like to work for the Shen Bao newspaper?"

"Um?"

Lin Wang tried to put out his cigarette, rubbed his eyes which were stinging from the smoke, and asked, somewhat confused, "What does that mean?"

Shen Zishi put the pipe back in his mouth and took a puff:

"Shi Jiaxiu told me today that he wants to acquire the Strange News or start a column in the Shenbao and poach the two of us."

Lin Wangzheng leaned back in his chair, gazing at the scenery outside the window, and remained silent for a while:

"He wants me to come over, right?"

Shen Zishi gave a wry smile:

"You noticed it too."

Lin Wangzheng smiled and shook his head:

"What's the point of acquiring a tabloid with a circulation of only a few thousand copies? What he wants are people who can conduct investigations and write articles."

Shen Zishi was speechless. The reputation of the "Strange News" indeed had nothing to do with the boss.

Lin Wangzheng glanced at Shen Zishi a few times, then suddenly asked:

"Uncle, do you not want to work with me anymore?"

The roles were suddenly reversed.

Shen Zishi was stunned for a moment, then quickly shook his head:

"No, that's not what I meant, it's just..."

"Just say what you mean. Don't be so wishy-washy, like a woman."

Lin Wangzheng raised an eyebrow, stubbed out his cigarette, crossed his arms, and gestured for him to speak.

Shen Zishi opened his mouth, but didn't know what to say.

Although his life had improved recently, he felt deep down that Lin Wangzheng deserved a better future. He could have become a reporter for a major newspaper like Shen Bao, earned a higher salary, written more influential articles, met more powerful people, and gradually achieved success.

That way, I won't have to stay cooped up in this room that costs five yuan a month, living in constant fear every day.

"Uncle, do you know my father's philosophy?" Lin Wangzheng suddenly asked.

Shen Zishi nodded and said:

"I know, he's speaking up for people's livelihood and society. I always said he was stubborn. If he had known how to back down, he wouldn't have been shot."

"So he taught me from a young age not to be concerned with gains and losses of fame and fortune, and that upholding journalistic integrity is of paramount importance. If I can't do these things after joining the Shen Bao, why put myself in such a predicament?"

Lin Wangzheng said nonchalantly, then changed the subject: "However, if you want me to go to Shen Bao, then I will go."

Shen Zishi raised his head and asked:

"Are you willing?"

Lin Wangzheng smiled:

"Of course I'd be willing, it'd be great to work part-time at Qianqian."

"part time?"

"Yes, the Strange News is our root, our stronghold, and we can't lose it. But with the identity of a reporter for the Shen Bao, many things can be done openly and honestly. The police in the foreign concessions won't dare to touch me casually, and Yuan Xiangcheng's men won't dare to make a move easily either. Besides... it's good to earn some money under Shi Jiaxiu, so you won't always complain about not having money. His overseas travel expenses are definitely enough, and we can bring the articles back and publish them later."

"..."

Shen Zishi was speechless for a moment, then chuckled, "Alright, I knew you were smarter than a monkey. We'll do it your way then. Is the article finished?"

Lin Wangzheng picked up the manuscript paper on the table and handed it to Shen Zishi:

"It's finished writing. Take a look at it first."

The last rays of sunset had disappeared, and darkness enveloped the entire city of Shanghai.

The lights in the concession began to come on, scattered across the city, quickly coalescing into a vast expanse, silently showcasing the city's prosperity—a prosperity that did not belong to the lower classes.

Shen Zishi took the manuscript, lit the oil lamp, and squinted to examine it closely.

What is the Preparatory Committee for the Establishment of Peace and Order?

[Commentary by this newspaper: A Wake-Up Call]

I've heard that a "Preparatory Committee for National Security" has been established in the capital, a grand-sounding name that claims to aim to "prepare for national security." The leader is Mr. Yang Chengzan, a man of great learning and excellent writing skills. His essay, "On Constitutional Monarchy to Save the Nation," cites numerous classical texts and attributes all the current problems of the Xia Dynasty—a weak military, a poor economy, and an ineffective constitutional system—to "co-governance." His prescription? Quite simple: "Without a monarch, a constitution cannot be established; without a constitution, the nation cannot be saved." In short, he's advising us to abandon the banner of co-governance, appoint a new emperor, and then implement a constitution under that emperor—and the nation will become rich, strong, and stable.

This logic sounds like a series of interconnected steps, each linked to the next, with ingenious logic. But for ordinary people living their lives, we don't care how clever the logic is; we only care if the medicine causes stomach pain or diarrhea. Today, let's dissect this potent "constitutional monarchy to save the country" remedy and see if it's truly a panacea or just charlatanry.

"This start is even more intense than before."

Shen Zishi paused at this point and glanced at Lin Wangzheng.

Lin Wangzheng smiled and said, "The situation has changed, and our attitude needs to change too. Let's keep watching."

[I. Does the root of the problem truly lie in the banner of "co-governance"?]

Mr. Yang said that with shared rule, soldiers become difficult to lead. Because soldiers used to "eat the emperor's rice and serve the royal family," now that there's no emperor, their sense of "loyalty" has nowhere to go, leading to lax discipline and an inability to become a strong army. This sounds reasonable at first glance. But think about it: weren't the Qing Dynasty's Eight Banners and Green Standard Army also paid by the emperor? How come they became as weak as paper in the Sino-Japanese War and the Boxer Rebellion? The Qing Dynasty's Beiyang Fleet, built with money and a powerful reputation, was completely annihilated by the Japanese on its own doorstep. This shows that the strength of an army doesn't depend on whether the soldiers have a specific emperor in their hearts, but on who they fight for, whether their pay is sufficient, whether their discipline is strict, and whether their commanders are acting for public or private interests. The current problems in the army are the lingering old bureaucratic habits, the lack of modern education, and the excessive self-interest of warlords. What does this have to do with whether the sign at the gate reads "shared rule" or "monarchy"? You're blaming the "co-governance" for the soldiers' arrogance and withholding of pay; you've probably chosen the wrong creditor.

[They say that with co-governance, industry can't develop because businessmen are afraid of another war like the "presidential contest," and dare not invest. This is both right and wrong—right because businessmen do fear chaos, wrong because they blame co-governance for the root of the chaos. Those who yearn for peace are primarily ordinary people and businessmen. The Qing Dynasty did have a monarch, but it was chaotic for decades; where was industry then? The current market unrest is due to floods, droughts, war, and bandits; people are suffering, have lost their livelihoods, and have lost the very foundation of doing business. Are these natural disasters caused by co-governance? Are these rampant bandits a product of the word "president"? Neither. It's because the regions are devastated, the people are suffering, and the upper echelons are only concerned with power struggles, neglecting fundamental solutions. Instead of opening canals for disaster relief, suppressing bandits, and reforming taxes, you think changing the name will stabilize the people and reassure capitalists to invest. This is like a house on fire; instead of putting out the fire, you're busy rewriting the signboard, claiming it can "suppress the fire god."] No matter how beautiful the plaque on the door is, the house will still burn down.

Shen Zishi poured himself a cup of tea, his brow furrowing slightly.

"Your point of view, bringing up the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 and the Boxer Rebellion, is persuasive. But have you considered how Yang Chengzan would refute this article?"

Lin Wangzheng spread his hands and asked in return:

"Tell me, how do you think they'll respond?"

Shen Zishi said with concern:

"They might say, 'The Qing army was incompetent because it lacked a monarchy; if there were a monarchy, the army would be fine.' How would you respond?"

Lin Wangzheng thought this was insignificant and pointed to the manuscript, saying:

"That's pure sophistry. As I've already said, the strength of an army depends on its system, technology, and training, not on whether the emperor is a constitutional monarch. Nor is it about the presence or absence of an emperor, or whether his power is outwardly constrained. Besides, it's not like the Qing court didn't try to establish a constitutional monarchy; what was the result?"

Shen Zishi thought for a moment, nodded, and continued reading.

II. What was the basis for the Preparatory Committee's "constitutional monarchy"?

Mr. Yang's main argument is that under communist rule, the president must be elected, and elections inevitably lead to competition and chaos. Therefore, there needs to be a "fixed head of state," a hereditary emperor, to ensure stability and allow for focused constitutional reform. He cites the German and Japanese emperors as examples, saying that they first had a wise ruler who used "autocratic power" to put the "train" of constitutionalism on track, leading to national prosperity. This is almost identical to Mr. Goodnow's ideas; I can't immediately tell who copied whom.

[This sounds far-fetched, but is it really true? First, Wilhelm I cannot be compared to Emperor Meiji. Whom did Emperor Meiji use his "autocratic power" against, and who did he rely on? He used it to break the privileges of feudal lords and powerful nobles, representing to some extent the demands of emerging forces—it was a forward-moving force. If we were to establish a new emperor, who would this "autocratic power" be used against? Against the warlords and landlords who roamed the countryside? Or against the starving people and the newspapers that dared to speak out? It seems this "power" would mostly be used to make the existing "strongmen" more secure, removing the superficial and unreliable constraints of the "co-governance" period. This is called "going backwards," not "getting back on track"—it's following the old path of Wilhelm I.]

Secondly, and most importantly, Mr. Yang's vision of "constitutionalism" is too idealistic. He says that constitutionalism means "having a fixed legal system, where neither the head of state nor the people can act outside the law," which sounds as beautiful as a play. But we must ask: who made this "law"? For whom was it made? Even wealthy families make family rules; is that to benefit their laborers and tenants, or to protect their land and regulations? While the constitutions of Germany and Japan certainly limited some of the monarch's power, whose factories, whose titles, and whose interests they seized in the colonies were primarily protected? Ultimately, the law in the world has always had a "bias." Expecting a "new monarch" supported by the old forces and old guard to create a constitution that specifically governs the common people and restricts himself and his powerful and influential associates—what kind of "wonderful monarch" would that be? Mr. Yang has placed all his hopes for saving the nation on the emergence of this "peerless leader." This isn't academic research; it's fortune-telling, and a high-stakes gamble with the fate of the nation at stake. Even the old Taoist priests on the street wouldn't dare make such a guarantee, so we are afraid we cannot gamble with you.

"Your words are implying that Yuan Shikai is regressing. What will his people think if they see this?"

"What they think is their business; I'm just stating the facts."

"Sigh... I hope we can both keep our heads by then!"

[III. Is Liang Yinbing's "avoiding discussion of the national system" a viable approach?]

[Speaking of which, I must also mention Mr. Liang Yinbing's recent article. Mr. Liang opposes changing the form of government at this time. He advocates "focusing only on the political system, not the form of government," believing that striving to improve politics within the existing framework of co-governance is the right path. He is deeply concerned about the state of the nation and his insight is far superior to that of the members of the Preparatory Committee for the Establishment of Peace and Order, recognizing that changing the form of government carries too great risks.]

However, Liang Qichao's plan also had its difficulties. He placed his hopes on "improving the existing national system," hoping for a "peerless talent" president who could diligently govern and cultivate vitality, then things would naturally fall into place. This intention was good, but upon closer examination, wasn't it fundamentally the same as Mr. Yang's? Still relying on one or a few "wise men" for the nation's progress. He opposed "monarchical revolution," yet also feared "popular revolution," thus becoming blinded by ambition, pacing back and forth in the corridors, urging those in power to "abide by the law" and the people to "endure," waiting for "constitutionalism" to slowly take shape.

However, if the law only serves to regulate the people and facilitate officials, but fails to control those who truly dare to break the law, then this "constitutionalism" will forever remain a pie on the wall—visible but unattainable. When a single family, clan, party, or faction treats national affairs as private property and the law as chains, Liang Qichao's hoped-for "political reform" is like building a house on quicksand—three feet up today, two feet down tomorrow. He still harbored illusions about persuading the old forces and held a sliver of hope for "enlightened despotism," but was unwilling to delve deeper: Why are good policies always difficult to implement? Why are "wise men" always marginalized? The force behind this is not the wisdom or folly of one or two individuals, but an iron wall of vested interests. Without touching this iron wall, any reform of the "political system" may degenerate into a mere facade.

Upon reading this, Shen Zishi broke out in a cold sweat:

"Your words are too harsh... especially the last part, it's a bit dangerous..."

Lin Wangzheng looked at him:

"You think something's wrong?"

Shen Zishi remained silent for a moment, then shook his head:

"It's not that it's wrong, it's that it's too direct. Liang Yinbing is an influential writer, and if you say it like that, you'll offend his faction."

"It was bound to happen sooner or later."

Lin Wangzheng made a "breaking" gesture: "Liang Yinbing has followed this path his whole life, and he's failed his whole life. Even now, he's still 'ignoring the national system.' If we don't point out the key issues, how can we wake him up?"

Shen Zishi remained silent.

Lin Wangzheng further explained:

"I'm not trying to deny Liang Qichao's contributions; his articles, his thoughts, and his influence all deserve our respect. But in this matter, his methods are insufficient."

Shen Zishi nodded reluctantly.

[IV. Is what they are "planning" truly "safe"?]

Therefore, upon closer examination, whose "peace" is the "peace" that the gentlemen of the Preparatory Committee for the Establishment of Peace truly seeking? In Mr. Yang's depiction of a constitutional monarchy, the nation is indeed wealthy and powerful. But beneath this wealth and power, does it mean that farmers own their land, workers own their factories, and everyone enjoys peace, or that the wealthy become even richer, the powerful even stronger, while there are more beggars on the streets and more starving corpses in the countryside? In his meticulously crafted "unified" design, it seems he only considered how to ensure the stable succession of the "head of state" to avoid the chaos of "competition," but he failed to consider the millions of ordinary people struggling on the brink of life and death—where does their "peace" come from? What is their path to survival?

They simplified the chaos of the nation into a matter of "succession," seemingly believing that simply replacing the existing structure with a "royal code" would solve all internal and external problems. This is either wishful thinking confined to an academic ivory tower or a deliberate or unintentional avoidance of the issue. It avoids the corruption of officials, the separatist rule of warlords, the exploitation by foreign powers, and the abject poverty of the people—these are the true termites eroding the foundation of the nation. Without eliminating these termites, merely replacing the pillar of the edifice with a "monarch" is destined to collapse.

[Liang Gong saw the danger and cried out in alarm, his heart admirable. However, his prescription seemed ineffective in addressing the root cause. When the foundation of a house is rotten and the beams and pillars are infested with insects, should one advise the owner to walk carefully and repair it slowly, or should one point out that the fundamental problem must be replaced?]

The name "Preparatory Committee for the Establishment of Peace" sounds quite righteous. But is its so-called "establishment of peace" truly for the peace of the nation and the people, or for the perpetual consolidation of power by a minority? Is it an academic discussion, or a prelude to some other ulterior motive? Observing its pronouncements and examining its background, one cannot help but feel some doubt and worry. The tide of history ultimately flows forward; attempting to use an old-fashioned seal to cover up the tide of the new era is likely futile, like trying to find a lost sword by marking the boat. These gentlemen may well leave a strong mark on history books.

Shen Zishi agreed with this conclusion:

"You've pointed out the problems with the Preparatory Committee for the Establishment of the State, and your conclusion is sound."

[Editor's Note: Academic debate is inherently about seeking truth. However, discussions about "stabilizing the nation" involve the very foundation of the country and cannot be ignored. If, under the guise of academic discourse, one is actually paving the way for some political scheme, then no matter how eloquent the arguments, the intentions are reprehensible. The "security" that the Chinese people need today is not the security of one family or clan, but the security of all people. We urge those who engage in such discussions to think carefully and discern clearly.]

After reading the last word, Shen Zishi put down the newspaper, leaned back in his chair, and let out a long sigh:

"Wang Zheng, your article is almost identical to the views of the revolutionaries. I'm afraid that once it's published, some people with ulterior motives will take advantage of this."

Lin Wangzheng looked at him without saying a word.

Shen Zishi stood up, his back to Lin Wangzheng, slightly hunched over, as if bent under the weight of the weight.

"You refuted Yang Chengzan, and your rebuttal was well-reasoned and supported by evidence. Your analogy of Liang Yinbing was incisive and to the point. But have you considered the uproar this article will cause once it's published?"

Lin Wangzheng calmly replied, "I've thought about it."

Shen Zishi walked back, sat down in a chair, and put his hand on Lin Wangzheng's shoulder:

"Who are those six people in the Preparatory Committee for the Establishment of Peace? Yang Chengzan was a favorite of Yuan Shikai, Sun Yuyun was a revolutionary hero, and Yan Zongguang was a leading figure in academia. You've offended them all. As for Liang Yinbing, although you only mentioned him briefly, that one word stirred up a hornet's nest."

"We're dancing on a knife's edge!"

Lin Wangzheng pursed his lips, then relaxed them and said:

"Then dance this dance well."

"This era is too conservative. Yuan Shikai wanted to become emperor, but there was Goodnow and the Preparatory Committee for the Establishment of the State, while Liang Yinbing only dared to hint at it indirectly. The major newspapers were turning a deaf ear, and the minor newspapers were trying to protect themselves. No one dared to speak the truth, no one dared to stand up..."

He paused, then said:

"But as the French writer George Sand said, 'It's either fight or die; it's either bloodshed or destruction. That's the way the question is phrased.' If we don't resist, who will help us resist? Do you want to see another 'Guichou disaster' where every single journalist is killed?"

Shen Zishi carefully put away the manuscript and picked up the unlit pipe:

"Fine, since you want to carry the flag, then jump."