Ying Fusu

With Zhang Han fully expressing his views on the matter of "re-granting fiefdoms," this dialogue between the emperor and his minister finally came to an end.

Almost from morning until dusk, Fusu talked with Zhang Han. Although he was exhausted, he had gained a lot.

Firstly, it was the first time that Fusu had met this famous historical official alone, which gave him a clearer and more specific understanding of himself as the steward of his private purse.

—Zhang Han, the Junior Steward of the Imperial Household Department, was a pragmatist.

Although there was a slight tendency to prioritize self-preservation over the well-being of the nation, this was not a major problem considering his position as "Minister of the Imperial Household."

After all, the Imperial Household Department was the Qin Emperor's private purse, the source of Fusu's confidence in every move and word.

Money gives people courage, right?

Without the private treasury of the Shaofu (Minister of the Imperial Household), Fusu—and even the former First Emperor—would have had to rely on the treasury of the Shaofu to do anything.

The national treasury, as its name suggests, is a public instrument of the state.

When public resources are used, public consultation is required.

We need to discuss this with the officials and nobles in the court. Only when everyone feels that this is something that can be done and should be done can we use the money and grain in the national treasury.

Furthermore, the Prime Minister's Treasury—that is under the management of the Prime Minister's residence.

The Prime Minister's residence was also the Prime Minister's reserved property.

In other words, to use the money, grain, and taxes in the national treasury, a "public instrument," one not only had to discuss it with all the officials, but also needed the prime minister's approval in the end.

This was also the main source of the power of the prime minister in the Qin and Han dynasties: the power of the national treasury.

The Shaofu (Minister of the Imperial Household) was different.

As the emperor's private treasury, the transfer of funds and provisions within the Imperial Treasury could be decided by the emperor with a single word.

Whether it's extravagant indulgence or large-scale construction projects—since it's all done with private funds, no one can find fault with it.

Throughout history, accusations against emperors for extravagance, extravagant construction projects, and oppression of the people have all focused on instances of using the national treasury and public resources for personal enjoyment.

Taking later generations as an example, the Prime Minister's treasury was actually like the national financial budget.

It's not that it can't be used;

It's just very troublesome to use – you have to apply, get approval, and sometimes you have to pay upfront and then get reimbursed for actual expenses.

Furthermore, as part of the national fiscal budget, in most cases, these are definitely special funds that have been predetermined in advance.

A portion is used to pay salaries, support the army, maintain roads, and repair public facilities...

And so on.

If any unexpected situation occurs and funds are urgently needed, it is very difficult to divert funds from the designated funds that have already been allocated.

Moreover, the complicated and lengthy application and approval process is inconsistent with the urgent needs of "urgent needs".

At times like these, the necessity of the Shaofu (a type of government agency) as a personal purse is fully demonstrated.

For example, in a certain month of a certain year, a natural disaster occurred in a certain place, such as drought, flood, or epidemic;

Disaster relief requires money and food.

The national treasury holds the agricultural taxes collected last year, but they have all been spent—almost all of them have already been spent.

Everyone, both inside and outside the court, was eagerly awaiting the autumn harvest to collect this year's agricultural taxes.

At times like these, people both inside and outside the court would plead with the emperor: "Your Majesty, please open the imperial treasury and bestow your grace upon the disaster victims..."

So the emperor used his own money to provide relief to the disaster victims. The problem was solved, and he gained fame. The process of the court seeking help from the emperor allowed him to control the discourse through his "financial power".

I'll say it again;

Power is never a castle in the air.

There has never been any right to claim "it is ordained by God".

To make people obey you and have the power to command and rule others, you need to have the powerful force to kill them at any time or the vast wealth to feed them.

In most cases, neither can be dispensed with.

Having military force without financial resources means that military force cannot be supported by wealth and cannot be maintained in the long run.

As for having wealth but no military strength?

There's a saying from later generations that goes like this.

—My neighbor hoards grain, I hoard guns; my neighbor is my granary.

Wealth needs force to protect it, and force needs wealth to maintain it; the two complement each other.

When both military force and financial resources are available, power will naturally arise.

Some people will fear your military power and wealth, and thus submit to your rule;

Some people want your military protection and financial share in order to follow you.

And these people are the source of your 'power'.

If a hundred farmers listen to you, you are a local gentry;

If the people of a county listen to you, you are a powerful tyrant;

If you stomp your foot, the surrounding counties will tremble; then you are a powerful and influential family.

If the whole world reveres your power, then you are blessed by Heaven, destined by Heaven, and will live a long and prosperous life.

Even if you're not now, you will be in the future.

Conversely, to become a true emperor who wields power and rules the world, one must possess both military and financial authority.

The principle of using both kindness and severity is self-evident and needs no further explanation.

The Imperial Treasury was the financial power held by the emperors of the Qin and Han dynasties.

With the Imperial Treasury in hand, the emperor could avoid asking the outer court for money, freely reward and win over the army, and wield both military and financial power to maintain complete control.

As the steward of this private purse, the position of Shaofu Ling was clearly not based on talent or virtue.

To be more precise, the position of Shaofu Ling (Minister of the Imperial Household) does not require outstanding talent or commendable virtue.

But one must be extremely trusted by the emperor.

As for Zhang Han, who was the Shaofu Ling (Minister of the Imperial Household) whom the First Emperor trusted enough, it was perfectly normal for him to be more cautious than ordinary court officials.

—As the steward of the emperor's private property, it was inconvenient for him to have too close contact with the outer court, making him a rather typical isolated official.

If we don't take better care of ourselves and be more cautious, we might be schemed against and left with nothing but bones one day.

This was the first gain that Fusu received today when he summoned Zhang Han, the Minister of the Imperial Household Department.

—From what I've learned, Zhang Han was a pragmatic man who valued his life, was cautious, and possessed a broad political vision.

Secondly, Fusu had a more specific and detailed idea regarding the matter of enfeoffment.

This shift stems from Zhang Han's attitude toward the enfeoffment issue today.

After unifying China, Qin Shi Huang abolished the feudal system and implemented the prefecture-county system, which caused much discussion both inside and outside the court—this is a well-known part of Qin history.

Today, Fusu further understands that even now, with the abolition of the feudal system and the implementation of the prefecture-county system already a fait accompli and an important part of the First Emperor's "unprecedented achievements," the officials and nobles of the Qin court still hold a glimmer of hope.

It is hoped that after the First Emperor, the Qin Dynasty will produce a relatively calm, objective, and less self-centered emperor who recognizes the necessity of the enfeoffment system.

Or it could be described as a gentle transition from the feudal system of the Zhou Dynasty to the prefecture-county system of the Qin Dynasty.

It's not that the feudal system was so good;

It's not that the prefecture-county system is bad;

Rather, the transformation between the two requires a process.

The scope of enfeoffment can be gradually reduced, allowing the central government to slowly gain the power to "implement prefectures and counties throughout the land," rather than abolishing enfeoffment and implementing prefectures and counties overnight.

History also taught Fusu that the First Emperor's willful actions ultimately did not yield optimistic results.

On the contrary, the later Liu Han dynasty, based on the advanced political concept of Qin's abolition of the enfeoffment system and the implementation of the prefecture-county system, took a slight step back;

It was changed to: a system of enfeoffment and a system of prefectures and counties operating in parallel.

The enfeoffment system was further subdivided: first, feudal lords of different surnames were enfeoffed, and then they were successively conquered and destroyed;

He then enfeoffed more relatives and princes, waiting for the princes to establish their own independent regimes and become too powerful to control.

Then, through a combination of forceful suppression and the gradual, appeasement policy of "boiling the frog in warm water," the Chinese civilization was slowly and gently advanced, completing the transition from the feudal system to the prefecture-county system.

Previously, Fusu had only grasped the correct answer from a historical perspective.

Today, Fusu learned from Zhang Han that this was also the expectation of the Qin court officials and nobles.

Governing a large country is like cooking a small fish.

Too much or too little heat can lead to extremely serious consequences.

Therefore, regardless of what measures are taken, right or wrong—the first thing to do is to proceed slowly.

We must take things one step at a time, summarize our experiences and lessons learned, and adjust the details as needed.

The same applies to the feudal system.

The historical test of the Zhou Dynasty's eight hundred years of rule—especially the negative example of the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods with their endless wars and conflicts—has clearly exposed the drawbacks of the enfeoffment system.

To prevent Chinese civilization from experiencing another centuries-long Warring States period, the abolition of the feudal system became an inevitable historical necessity.

But you have to eat one bite at a time, and walk one step at a time.

The enfeoffment system was flawed, leading to the fragmentation of the country by feudal lords and the division of the Xia state—a fact everyone understands.

However, as a sound, complete, and long-lasting political system, the feudal system also had its irreplaceable advantages.

Today, Zhang Han and Fusu emphasized the control of financial and tax transfer costs, which is a typical example.

The feudal system has been rejected by history and should indeed be abolished.

However, before abolishing the feudal system, it is necessary to find a suitable and sound new system to replace it.

The answer given by the First Emperor to this question was the prefecture-county system.

This answer cannot be said to be wrong;

China's two thousand years of feudal history also tells Fusu that this answer is not wrong.

However, the problem is that compared to the well-established and sound feudal system, the current prefecture-county system still seems somewhat immature.

Even the worst feudal system was still a fully-fledged adult riddled with a serious illness;

Even the best county system is still just a healthy infant.

The former was indeed afflicted with a serious illness and nearing the end of his life, but at least he still had the strength of an adult;

The latter, no matter how healthy or how bright their future, are still just children who can't even kill a chicken.

What should we do?

The feudal system, riddled with problems and with no future, was directly abolished, allowing the healthy and promising county system to shoulder the immense burden of China.

Or perhaps, let the feudal system continue to function and make the most of its remaining power, while nurturing the exceptionally talented prefecture-county system until it "grows up" and can successfully take over Chinese civilization?

The answer is self-evident.

Fusu had this understanding, but he never imagined that the Qin court officials, who did not possess a grand historical perspective, would also have this understanding.

Moreover, it's not limited to the level of 'cognition'.

—Look at what Zhang Han just said?

The northern lands of Yan, the eastern lands of Qi, the southeastern coastal regions of Jing and Wu, and the southern regions of Huainan, Changsha, and Lingnan...

Zhang Han not only believed that "the land should be divided into fiefdoms," but he also had a concrete plan in mind for how to divide the land!

Zhang Han was even the most self-respecting and wise in self-preservation among the high-ranking officials and ministers of the Qin court!

If Zhang Han was like this, what should be the attitude of others—such as the Meng brothers Meng Tian and Meng Yi, the two prime ministers Feng Quji and Li Si, and the censor-in-chief Feng Jie, etc.?

It's likely that when Fusu first hinted at the possibility of further enfeoffment some time ago, he had already devised the specific rules and even the specific candidates for the enfeoffment!

This discovery surprised Fusu and gave him a completely new understanding of the quality of Qin's bureaucracy—especially the quality of high-ranking officials.

These people could not have predicted the direction and path that Chinese history would take in the next two thousand years.

But in this era—in the present Qin Dynasty—these people are still among the best who can stand at the top of the pyramid.

Their political vision and wisdom were far beyond what Fusu, an ordinary later visitor, could easily replicate.

What Fusu needed to understand and comprehend through his identity as a time traveler and his foresight about history, these people could simply figure out through logical reasoning.

A more prudent approach to the feudal system and a gentler transition to the prefecture-county system were the brilliant conclusions they reached based solely on wisdom and even instinct...

"We must not underestimate the people of the world..."

"Especially those outstanding individuals who have already made a name for themselves in history and led an era."

...

"However, with the assistance of these renowned ministers, what I need to do..."

……

As he muttered to himself, Fusu's lips curled up slightly.

Since returning to Xianyang, the heavy burden that had weighed on Fusu, making him feel suffocated and unable to straighten his back, seemed to have unconsciously lightened a bit.

After pondering for a moment, Fusu finally let out a long breath.

He glanced around to make sure the occasion was appropriate before stretching a little awkwardly.

Meanwhile, sitting on the couch, he picked up his pen, lowered his head, and began to intently examine the bamboo slips in front of him.

To be precise, it was on bamboo slips.

—It was thanks to the First Emperor's diligence in governing, who personally handled almost everything;

In the Qin Dynasty today, almost all official government affairs that can be discussed openly must go through Emperor Fusu.

Even if the matter itself is not big or complicated—if it were sent to the Prime Minister's residence, neither Feng Quji nor Li Si would necessarily take it into account;

Even if it could be resolved by just one assistant official, it still required Fusu's personal inspection.

It can only be said that the common belief among later generations that the First Emperor was overworked to death by the heavy burden of state affairs is not entirely without merit.

In the future, Fusu will definitely take steps to change this situation.

But for now, Fusu needs to adapt.

It's not just about government affairs—there are many other things that Fusu needs to adapt to first, and then gradually plan for change.

But one thing is certain: with Fusu, the future of the Qin Dynasty will certainly not be one of destruction after only two generations.

As for the present situation—further enfeoffment is still just a plan, and only a rough outline.

We still need to wait for a suitable opportunity to actually carry out the actual implementation.

On the contrary, in history, during the Dazexiang Uprising that occurred a few months later, Fusu did what he could.

The root cause of the Dazexiang Uprising was that laborers, including Chen Sheng and Wu Guang, were conscripted by the Qin court to defend Yuyang.

Fusu was also planning to start from this point.