French Empire: But Napoleon IV

Chapter 114 Meeting with Olivier and the Neutrality Faction (Seeking first subscription, collection, and continued reading)

After the four men entered the house, Eugène observed their expressions.

Compared to the three neutral parties, Olivier, who was immersed in officialdom, was the most impatient.

The former prime minister's face showed a clear sense of anticipation, as well as a rather tense expression.

As for the three neutral figures, Thiers, who is fully involved in politics, has the air of an old politician and looks very shrewd.

Simon, who has a slightly more experience in education, seems somewhat uneasy, just like Olivier.

Schneider, with his power and money, was the biggest name present besides Eugène. Therefore, feeling very confident, he displayed a completely composed attitude.

After all, Schneider was the only one of the four who wasn't a pure politician and didn't need to rely on Eugène for a living. As for the remaining three, even Simon, who was deeply involved in education, could be completely controlled by Eugène if he wanted to.

The only exception is Schneider, who is already one of the largest arms dealers in Europe. Given the current French context, Eugène is completely unlikely to touch him.

Moreover, Henry Schneider, who could be called the leader of the revival, had seen too many ups and downs.

"Gentlemen, please have a seat. I know you've all been through a lot today, but we have no time to rest. The situation in France is not optimistic, and we need to make a decision as soon as possible."

Since they had already discussed a rough distribution of profits, the relationship between the two sides was quite good, and Eugene smiled as he asked the four of them to sit down.

After accepting the black tea offered by the servant, Olivier, who was most concerned about the situation of the empire than the three neutral parties, was the first to speak up.

"Your Highness, on my way here I heard about the events in Lyon and Marseille. The Republicans are establishing National Salvation Committees throughout the country," they declared, proclaiming their intention to continue the struggle against the Empire.

"Ha, they just want power. They did this during the Franco-Prussian War to try and divide France. These people are more hateful than the Prussians."

They're all seasoned foxes when it comes to Eugène's emotional outbursts, except for Olivier, who even nodded in agreement.

The remaining three were not affected by Eugène's tried-and-true rhetoric among the people.

Thiers stroked his beard. This bigwig of the Orleans faction, yet also a neutral one, got straight to business with Eugène.

"As far as I know, the Republicans have a very strong local presence, especially in industrial cities like Lyon and Marseille. If we don't appease them soon, we'll start fighting ourselves before the Prussians even arrive."

There are no solutions, only problems.

Thiers, who was exiled in 51 for opposing Bonaparte, later returned to France, and showed no sympathy for the workers, was more like a purely political being.

In the original timeline, he would have climbed the ranks step by step, becoming the first president of the Third Republic in 71. His hands were stained with the blood of the French people; he had suppressed the Commune and Lyon.

He was undoubtedly an Orleans party member, but his political views were subject to change. Thiers was a very flexible and adaptable person, or rather, everything he did served to help him reach the top.

After being exiled and then allowed to return to Paris, Thiers wrote a book called "History of the Consuls and the French Empire".

This work has a striking characteristic: it glorifies individual achievements and lavishly praises Napoleon I. Napoleon III inherited Napoleon I's political legacy, so in this context, praising Napoleon I was itself helping Napoleon III.

Therefore, Thiers was never a binary entity; he himself was complex. For example, even now, though a member of the Orleans faction, he appears before Eugène, discussing Parisian affairs.

Thiers, born in 1997, has lived for 73 years and experienced the rise and fall of the Napoleonic Empire as well as the rise and fall of the July Monarchy.

To be honest, before this, in the eyes of Thiers, this political monster, Eugène's behavior meant that this 14-year-old boy was just another "brat of the Napoleonic family," completely incomparable to Napoleon.

But what happened at Place de la Concorde this afternoon forced him to re-evaluate the boy.

That speech, that maneuvering, didn't seem like something a 14-year-old could do.

While praising Nathan was a compromise made to prolong his political career, it's impossible that Thiers, who wrote for 17 years, wasn't negatively affected by his writing.

This political monster must have greatly admired Napoleon I and his formidable military talent.

Now, this hidden emotion was quietly released when facing Eugène, who was full of vigor and whose military talent had not yet been demonstrated, but whose sense of responsibility was already much greater than that of Nathan and who was very much like Nathan.

When Thiers raised the question, Eugène turned to look at Olivier, whom he had discussed before. Olivier had not traveled to Switzerland or other places, so it was believed that he was willing to serve as prime minister again.

"Mr. Olivier, as we've discussed, I hope you can form a new government. I will appoint you as Prime Minister, with full authority over the formation of the cabinet. Rest assured, you have ample power; you are only accountable to Parliament, not to me."

With his departure for the front lines, Eugene doesn't have much time to handle matters at home; delegating authority is crucial.

If Eugène clings to power, how can Olivier carry out his work? Recruiting, logistics, and other matters closely related to the front lines will be indirectly affected.

As for his mother, Eugène could hand over the military command of Pietrey and Pierre to her to ensure that Paris had the ability to restore order, but as for politics, well, forget about it.

When Eugène said this, everyone present showed surprised expressions. After all, they all thought that Eugène would be like his father, working with his wife to simultaneously control both military and political power, and that the two of them would hold onto all power tightly.

Surprisingly, this young crown prince was actually willing to relinquish power instead of letting his mother serve as regent in Paris and continue to interfere in the government's affairs.

"Your Highness, are you...are you serious?"

"Of course it's true. I need a capable person to help me govern this country. Mr. Olivier, you are the most suitable candidate. Your abilities and your reputation among liberals are unmatched in Paris."

Olivier was somewhat incredulous. He swallowed hard and asked Eugène again to confirm.

Seeing Olivier's expression, Eugène, who knew he had achieved his goal and was deeply moved, smiled and gave a positive reply once again.

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