Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

There have always been pro-Soviet factions within the party.

This is understandable, of course. The Soviet Union was the world's first socialist country, and it quickly became a global industrial power. For a newly born socialist country like New China, the only reference it could have was the Soviet Union.

We must learn from the Soviet Union in all aspects.

Besides, since the founding of the Communist Party of China, many cadres have gone to the Soviet Union to study.

These cadres would naturally or unnaturally become close to the Soviet Union.

Although the Rectification Movement and the Seventh National Congress dealt a heavy blow to those who had studied in the Soviet Union and those who were pro-Soviet, this did not mean that these factions within the Party completely disappeared. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, China needed to learn from the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union sent a large number of cadres and technicians to support China's industrialization, and at that time, a large number of pro-Soviet factions would once again appear in the new China.

Even within the military, there were many voices calling for emulating the Soviet Army's formalization. For example, shortly after the founding of the People's Republic of China, General Peng and his colleagues pushed for the abolition of the military political commissar system and the implementation of a single-leader system. Ultimately, it was General Luo, while ill, who heard the news and became enraged and intervened to stop it.

So there are some things that Wei Hongjun cannot say casually.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun was talking about the issue of the Liberation War.

Zhang Zihua said, "Commissar, even if we go to war with the Kuomintang in the future, we are very close to the Northeast. It's just a few steps away. But Chiang Kai-shek's troops are far away in the southwest. Once the Japanese surrender, we will have the upper hand. We are so close, and by the time we occupy the Northeast, Chiang Kai-shek's troops will still be nowhere to be found. So I don't think we need to rush."

"No, we can't take it lightly."

Wei Hongjun shook his head.

He said: "Think about it, at present, the National Government is the legitimate central government recognized by the great powers. If Japan surrenders, the United States will definitely ask Japan and Chiang Kai-shek to surrender. Do you think Chiang Kai-shek can let our Eighth Route Army and New Fourth Army accept the surrender of the Japanese army? Once Chiang Kai-shek allows the Japanese army to surrender to us, then not to mention Northeast China and North China, even Shanghai and Nanjing will not be the turn of the National Army troops, and they will fall into the hands of the New Fourth Army. Besides, many of those puppet troops are former National Army troops. They may become National Army troops again after a transformation. Will they let us go to Northeast China easily? If we are not prepared, then after entering Northeast China, how can we control Northeast China in a short time? Chiang Kai-shek's National Army troops can use railways and American ships to deploy troops to Northeast China in large numbers. If we cannot truly control Northeast China before they enter Northeast China, we don’t know who will control Northeast China at that time."

"Comrades, we must consider the worst-case scenario. Only on the basis of the worst-case scenario can we formulate the best plan.

My idea is to send elite troops to open up a base in Tongliao. Then, we should slowly penetrate the Northeast and occupy its vast rural areas and small and medium-sized cities. Only in this way can we have the greatest advantage when the Japanese surrender. Before the Nationalist Army can react, we can truly and solidly develop our base in the Northeast, and even capture its major cities. When the Nationalist Army enters the Northeast, they will face our already developed base."

Xia Houwen, the political commissar of the Eighth Brigade, said, "I think what the political commissar said is absolutely right. Opening up a base, building a base, and developing a base are not something that can be done simply by the troops arriving at that place. The Northeast has been occupied for thirteen years, and Japan has implemented slave education in the Northeast. None of us knows what the situation in the Northeast is like now. Will the people of the Northeast support us? If we rush into the Northeast after the Japanese surrender, then let alone opening up a base, we may not even have a foothold. If Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist troops enter the Northeast in large numbers, we will fight in the Northeast. Without a base, can we defeat the Nationalist troops equipped with American weapons? Therefore, we must enter the Northeast in advance, understand the situation in the Northeast, open up a base in the Northeast, and gain a foothold in the Northeast. Only in this way can we seize the opportunity of the Japanese surrender to build a base in the Northeast on a large scale and truly bring the Northeast under our management.

Wei Hongjun was very happy.

Even though so many people were not very supportive, Xiahou Wen still supported his own proposal.

Wang Qiuyun said, "I think the political commissar's idea is correct. We already have the upper hand in Rehe. Should we keep so many troops in Rehe on standby? Of course not. We must forge ahead courageously and continue to open up more bases."

"Commander, Political Commissar, we cannot just sit there and wait for the Japanese to surrender.

What have we become? What is the difference between us and the Kuomintang? We must go and recover Northeast China ourselves. There are still 30 million people in the occupied areas of Northeast China waiting for us to liberate them.

Li Wanfu, commander of the First Special Forces Brigade, was very happy.

Li Wanfu was quite angry because some cadres did not support him before.

Because Li Wanfu is from Northeast China, he has always dreamed of fighting back to Northeast China.

"Yes, we should actively establish a base in the Northeast."

Sha Xuewen, the political commissar of the First Special Brigade, spoke.

Sha Xuewen is also from Northeast China.

Many of the current senior officials in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region hail from Northeast China. Some, like Li Wanfu, are from the Northeast Army, while others, like Jiang Hebai, are students from the Northeast. Sha Xuewen is also from the Northeast, but he came to Peking to study early in his life. After the September 18th Incident, he remained in Peking.

They all wanted to fight back to the Northeast.

The meeting finally passed a resolution to open up a new base in Tongliao.

Chapter 567 Cadre Education

Many people know the importance of Northeast China.

But many people don't know how important he is. Once the Northeast is built into a stable rear area, no matter how the Liberation War is fought, the final victory will belong to the People's Liberation Army.

However, once the Northeast fell into the hands of the Nationalist Army, the War of Liberation would become extremely difficult.

Historically, the central government attached so much importance to the Northeast because it was so important. Whoever controlled the Northeast could determine the outcome of the Liberation War.

Of course, the problem now wasn't just the military region, where many people didn't fully grasp the importance of Northeast China. Even by the end of the war, some cadres were becoming war-weary and war-weary. It's no wonder that after the war, during the KMT-CCP ​​peace talks, many cadres genuinely believed in peace.

In accordance with the situation in the peace talks, the central government required each military region to reduce its troops.

Some military regions have actually carried out large-scale troop reductions.

The Jin-Cha-Ji Army suffered the most troop cuts, with almost half of its field troops slashed. The Shandong Eighth Route Army also saw a large number of troops cut.

As a result, both the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region and Shandong province performed very poorly in the early stages of the war. Fortunately, Wei Hongjun could understand the cadres' sentiments; after all, the war would soon enter its eighth year. After so many years of fighting, everyone was growing weary of war, which Wei Hongjun could understand. But he also felt a sense of disappointment. The war wasn't over yet, and true revolutionary victory was still a long way off.

How can I start to relax now?

It seemed I had been somewhat slack in my political work recently. If the senior officers in the military region all had such thoughts, what would the lower-level cadres be like? Wei Hongjun reflected on himself.

After finding the problem, Wei Hongjun immediately convened a meeting of political cadres from various troops and local cadres from the base area.

"Before the meeting, I would like to make a self-criticism. The commander and I returned to the military region from Yan'an, and soon the troops won a great victory and captured Chifeng. After that, we completely blocked the connection between the Kwantung Army and the Japanese and puppet troops in Rehe. It can be said that the Japanese and puppet troops in Rehe have become trapped. It is only a matter of time to annihilate them. Therefore, I became a little arrogant and focused more on the future development of the troops and the base area. I forgot about the ideological changes in the troops and the local area. I am doing a self-criticism here. We who work in political work can forget anything but must not forget the ideological problems of the cadres and soldiers below.

After Wei Hongjun said this, many people actually didn't quite understand what Wei Hongjun was going to do.

Because the current Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region can be said to be thriving.

The Japanese and puppet troops in Rehe had been blocked in some county towns by the Ji-Re-Cha Military Region. They dared not even come out to raid, let alone to rob food. The base areas of the Ji-Re-Cha Military Region were also getting better and better in all aspects.

Although still poor, life is stable.

Food production has also been increasing.

I don’t know why Wei Hongjun suddenly started to criticize himself.

Even Han Weiguo, the director of the Political Department who attended the meeting, was not sure what Wei Hongjun was going to do.

Wei Hongjun said, "Let's get to the point. I've recently discovered a very bad tendency among our cadres. Some are waiting for victory, avoiding war, and are war-weary. Many cadres feel that the Allies have an absolute upper hand in both the European and Pacific battlefields. They believe that if we just bide our time, the German and Japanese armies will surely be defeated and surrender. We don't need to fight so hard; we can still wait for victory. This kind of thinking is very dangerous."

"I recently reread some materials about the May Fourth Movement, and it left me feeling quite emotional. During World War I, the then-Beiyang government also joined the Allied Powers, making China a victorious nation. But at the Paris Peace Conference, the great powers completely ignored my country's demands and directly transferred Germany's rights in Shandong to Japan. Can you tell me why this was the case? It's because in the eyes of the great powers, China is nothing. We didn't make any significant contribution to the victory of World War I. Compared to us, Japan, the only industrial country in Asia, deserves more attention. So they don't regard us as a victorious nation at all, and we are not worthy of making any demands in front of them."

"Do you understand? The title of the so-called victorious nation is nothing compared to strength. The victory of the Allied forces in World War II is a foregone conclusion. But if we do not strive for victory ourselves, but wait for victory, then what will we become in the eyes of the great powers? If we wait for victory, will there be another Paris Peace Conference after the war? Will the great powers ignore us China again and divide our country's sovereignty according to their ideas? If we want to avoid the Paris Peace Conference, what should we do? We must be proactive and actively fight against the Japanese and puppet troops. Let the great powers see our efforts and our strength, so that they can no longer look down on us and there will be no new Paris Peace Conference."

"What does the Internationale say? There has never been a savior. This is true for both individuals and nations. We must fight for our own rights. If we wait for others to give us our rights, we will never be able to protect them. Therefore, the sentiments of avoiding war and being war-weary among our cadres are wrong and must be vigorously criticized.

Wei Hongjun became angrier as he spoke.

Hence the criticism.

After Wei Hongjun finished speaking, Zhang Zihua, the commander and political commissar of the First Brigade, said, "Political Commissar, I'm reflecting on this. I did have this thought. I thought that now that the war was almost over, we could wait for the US military to achieve greater results. But the political commissar was right. We don't take back what's ours ourselves. We wait for others to help us get it back. But why should others help you? There's no such thing as a free lunch."

Zhang Zihua was really hit hard by Wei Hongjun's words.

Yes.

How could we possibly think of waiting, waiting for others to defeat the Japanese army so that we can take advantage of the situation?

Although Zhang Zihua did not say much at the previous meeting, he did have some ideas in this regard.

"Political Commissar, I'm also reflecting on this. As the deputy political commissar of the First Brigade, I know that many cadres in our First Brigade have this kind of thinking. But I didn't think it was a problem, so I didn't take it seriously.

Lei Jiabin also came forward to review himself.

The military and local cadres below all engaged in self-criticism.

Of course, some people are not agreeing with Wei Hongjun's statement, but just following the crowd.

Wei Hongjun certainly understood.

So Wei Hongjun continued: "Comrades, tell me what constitutes a victory for the revolution.

"Establish a new Soviet China."

"Correct."

Many people have a relatively unified opinion on this point.

Many of these political cadres were veterans of the Long March. The fall of the Soviet areas was a deeply difficult thing for everyone to accept. The victory of the revolution meant the establishment of a new Soviet China.

Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "If we establish a Soviet New China in the base area after the Anti-Japanese War, we will have to carry out the Land Revolution.

Carrying out the Land Revolution would undoubtedly impact the interests of the Kuomintang. At that point, we would still be locked in a bitter struggle with Chiang Kai-shek. This meant that even after the War of Resistance ended, we would still have to fight the Kuomintang. Only by defeating the Kuomintang reactionaries could we truly establish a new Soviet China. But Chiang Kai-shek commanded millions of troops, and we had no idea when we would achieve victory. Even if we won the War of Resistance, victory in the revolution would still be a long way off. If we began to relax our composure just because victory was near, what would we do? We might have to fight for another five or ten years before the revolution could achieve victory. Would we then stop fighting? I know that after so many years of fighting, many cadres are tired and unwilling to continue. But can we avoid fighting?

It’s not that we want to fight, it’s that the revolution hasn’t won, so we have to fight.”

"Besides, if we establish a Soviet New China, will the revolution be considered a victory? Will the establishment of a Soviet New China make our country strong? Will our people become prosperous? Will we complete the establishment of a new society where everyone is equal? ​​None of these things. Because the establishment of a Soviet New China is only a small victory for our revolution. There are still countless things waiting for us. We must build our own factories, we must manufacture our own weapons and ammunition, we must ensure that our people have enough to eat, eat well, live in good houses, wear good clothes, and make our people prosperous and our country strong. Only when our country is strong, our people are prosperous, and we enter the Communist Party society where everyone is equal, can our revolution be considered a success.

"Comrades, the current war of resistance against Japan is only a small event in our revolution. Victory in the war of resistance is only a small victory for our revolution. Later, we will carry out the land revolution to fulfill the peasants' thousand-year dream of land to the tiller and establish a new Soviet China. After the establishment of the new China, we will develop industry and build a new China."

"Comrades, tell me, what right do we have to relax now? What right do our cadres have to be tired so quickly?"

The victory of the revolution is actually a false proposition for party members, or it is too early to say that the revolution has won.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, during the "Three Antis" and "Five Antis" campaigns, the level of corruption among cadres was shocking. In just two years after the founding of the People's Republic of China, the rate of corruption among cadres and the level of embezzlement were extremely serious.

Many of them are veteran Red Army soldiers and veteran revolutionaries.

Many cadres believed that the founding of the People's Republic of China marked the victory of the revolution, and that as heroes who had conquered the country, they deserved to enjoy the benefits. It was precisely because of this ideological paralysis, and the lack of ideological education, that things like Liu Qingshan and Zhang Zishan happened.

There are many things Wei Hongjun cannot decide.

But Wei Hongjun hoped that cadres who graduated from his department would avoid such problems. Therefore, Wei Hongjun had always been very strict about political education. It was just that the situation had been so good recently that Wei Hongjun himself had become somewhat complacent.

Now that the problem has been discovered, Wei Hongjun must of course solve it.

"Political Commissar, comrades, as the director of the military region's political department, I want to reflect on this. Some bad ideological tendencies have arisen in the troops, and as the director of the political department, I should have discovered and corrected them immediately. But I ignored these things and immersed myself in the favorable situation.

Han Weiguo immediately made a self-criticism.

Then he said, "The political commissar is right. We are party members. We joined the party and participated in the revolution to destroy the old world of cannibalism and build a new world where everyone is equal. This process is very long and cannot be completed in a day or two. We must defeat Japanese imperialism and we must also defeat the reactionaries who oppose the local revolution."

Even if we establish a new Soviet China, as the political commissar said, our revolution is not over. We will still have to build a new China, and when that happens, we Party members must continue to play an exemplary and leading role. We were at the forefront during the war, and we must also be at the forefront during the construction of our country. Our Party members and cadres must have this awareness.

Soon everyone began to analyze the problems.

After all, all of those present were political cadres from the military region. Even if some of them, like Wei Hongjun, came from humble backgrounds, their theoretical knowledge had greatly improved after so many years of revolutionary life and political work.

Everyone quickly understood what Wei Hongjun meant.

After everyone finished their discussion, Wei Hongjun said, "Whether we are military or local cadres, we must all be clear about this: we are still a long way from complete victory in the revolution. Our revolution must not only destroy the old world of cannibalism but also establish a new world where everyone is equal. We must also build this new world in the future. Our Party members and cadres cannot relax in the slightest. The Communist Party of China is our goal. Comrades, when you return, you must explain this principle carefully to our Party members and cadres. The War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression is only at the dawn of victory, not yet complete victory. Our Party members and cadres must not relax at this time, and certainly not become war-weary."

Chapter 568 Northeast Branch

Wei Hongjun was very busy in the next few days.

Wang Qiuyun and Xu Luomin were in charge of troop training, especially starting a new rotation of training for the commanders of each unit, while Wei Hongjun went to the various units below to hold meetings of party members and cadres.

Party members and cadres should abandon some bad ideas.

And go to the surrounding bases and communicate with local cadres in the bases.

People are prone to slackness.

But victory in the revolution is still a long way off, and it's unacceptable to start thinking about complacency so quickly. Some new Party members and cadres believe that victory in the War of Resistance equals victory in the revolution. Many of these new Party members and cadres joined the Party and the Eighth Route Army not because they supported Marxism, but more because the Eighth Route Army was the only armed force remaining behind enemy lines.