Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

There are also significant differences on how to deal with urban enterprises.

As secretary of the Northeast Bureau, Chen Yun, aside from initially insisting on the policy of prioritizing rural development over urban areas, later remained ambivalent about whether to reform the peasantry or the cities. Although he worked alongside Gao Gang on land reform, he did not clearly express his support for either party when Peng Zhen and Gao Gang argued over the issue.

As a result, there has always been a huge conflict between Peng Zhen and Gao Gang in the Northeast Bureau.

The cadres of the Northeast Bureau also aligned themselves according to their own political ideologies. Compared to Peng Zhen, Gao Gang could manage industry in the city and, when needed, wear cloth shoes to the countryside to carry out land reform. Gao Gang had done a lot in the Northeast over the past two years, doing excellent work in both rural and urban areas, earning him a high reputation within the Northeast Thousand Departments. He completely outshined Peng Zhen in the Northeast Bureau.

Now, at the National Land Conference, the two men clashed again. Gao Gang, the head of land reform in Northeast China, had a well-founded opinion on the issues of land reform.

Peng Zhen said, "We still have a long way to go before the revolution succeeds. I remember Comrade Wei Hongjun said that land reform should focus on the principal contradiction. Our current task is still to liberate all of China, and the issue of war remains the principal contradiction, so our land reform should focus on this principal contradiction. Currently, the most important task in our liberated areas is to support the front lines. The liberated areas cannot allow themselves to become chaotic. Stabilizing the middle peasants is the most important thing at the moment. Only if we give the peasants hope on the issue of ownership will they continue to support us."

"Comrade Peng Zhen's understanding of our liberated areas is superficial, and he underestimates the morale and support our Party and our army have for us there. The people in our liberated areas support us not because of one or two things. It's because we've done real things for them over the years, improving their status and their living standards, allowing them to live like normal people. Comrade Peng Zhen should really visit the countryside when he has time to see our foundation there."

Gao Gang didn't care about the Central Land Conference at all.

Spoken in an almost sarcastic tone.

Many of the cadres who attended the meeting were completely silent. Although they were rural cadres dispatched by the local Central Committees and had a significant say in land reform in their respective liberated areas, the cadres present today were each more senior than the last.

Peng Zhen and Gao Gang, the two people currently involved in the dispute, are both members of the Politburo.

Therefore, no one could get a word in.

Gao Gang continued, "Moreover, our clear definition of land ownership is fair to everyone. The farmers in our liberated areas originally wanted land they could cultivate. We have separated ownership and use rights. As long as we do a solid job and convince our people that our use rights are the same as ownership, then they will accept it. Northeast and North China have been completely liberated, and the main focus has shifted from war to construction. And now that we have a clear land law, we have a basis for land reform in the newly liberated areas."

Chapter 730 National Land Conference 2

The expressions of the cadres from various local bureaus were solemn, and even the chairman and his colleagues had serious expressions.

Because the differences are too great.

And it is a disagreement on principle.

This National Land Conference will issue the "Outline of the Chinese Land Law," essentially a draft of the future "Land Law" of New China. This "Land Law" encompasses a wide range of issues, including abolishing the rural land system, establishing legal enforcement bodies for rural land reform, stipulating how land and property will be equally distributed, and providing legal safeguards for the achievements of land reform.

Discussions on these issues were intense. While there were some disagreements, none were serious. After several days of discussion, consensus was reached. It can be said that every agreement reached at this meeting represents a major advancement in national land work.

Because these provisions will be used in rural areas across China in the future. They are the product of years of work by rural cadres across the country and are in line with the current realities of rural China.

Such a disagreement only occurred on the issue of land ownership.

The cadres in the North China Bureau were almost unanimously in support of Wei Hongjun's proposal. Not only were the rural cadres from the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region, but even those from the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan region all in favor of Wei Hongjun. Gao Gang from the Northeast Bureau was also unequivocal in his support of Wei Hongjun's proposal.

Moreover, the rural cadres on the Northeast Bureau side also support Gao Gang more.

Of course this is understandable.

In the Northeast, Gao Gang, not Peng Zhen, was responsible for land reform. Peng Zhen had been based in Changchun, while Gao Gang personally led land reform efforts in the countryside. Therefore, the cadres responsible for land reform in the Northeast all worked alongside Gao Gang. Furthermore, Gao Gang possessed a strong work ethic. Cadres who disagreed with Gao Gang on land reform were generally transferred out of the countryside. Therefore, the rural cadres who arrived from the Northeast Bureau this time were all those who had a close working relationship with Gao Gang.

So when Gao Gang expressed his position, the rural cadres on the Northeast Bureau side also supported Gao Gang.

They all oppose the description of land ownership in the Outline of the Land Law, and even more so the clause in the Outline of the Land Law that allows the free sale of rural land.

No one expected that the Central Land Conference, which was originally going well, would encounter problems over the issue of ownership.

The situation is relatively stalemate.

Some comrades, led by Peng Zhen, believed that rural land reform needed to proceed gradually. Specifically, they believed that rural areas should be given time to develop and accumulate wealth, rather than being overly radical. Furthermore, they believed that maintaining stability in the liberated areas was paramount, given the ongoing war. However, many rural cadres in the Northeast and North China Bureaus believed that the liberated areas of Northeast and North China had already transitioned from a state of war to a state of construction. Therefore, the issue of rural land ownership needed to be determined quickly, as it was a new policy under the new circumstances and would not affect the stability of the liberated areas.

And they all oppose the free trade of rural land.

Opposition to the free trade of rural land was not limited to rural cadres from the North China and Northeast China Bureaus. Even many rural cadres from the Central Plains and East China Bureaus expressed dissent. Regardless of their backgrounds, these rural cadres, having spent years in rural work, understood better than anyone that once the sale of rural land was liberalized, a large number of new landlords would emerge in the countryside within a few years. This was beyond doubt. Precisely because of this understanding, they opposed the free trade of rural land.

Wei Hongjun understood that he had to speak out now.

The issue of rural land ownership was his own proposal. If he didn't take the lead at this moment, how would others view him? Although the current Land Law Outline was drafted by Comrade Xiu Yang and supported by Party leaders like Peng Zhen, Wei Hongjun knew he had to speak out. Only then would the cadres who supported his proposal follow him. Historically, some cadres have been hesitant to step forward when faced with issues, preferring to play it safe, leading to the disillusionment of many of their supporters. The end result wouldn't be to say they were deserted by their friends and family, but no cadres were willing to support them when needed.

Besides, Wei Hongjun also had some dissatisfaction.

In the past, during the land reform in North China, some people were very "leftist".

But now that victory of the revolution is imminent, some people have begun to "rightize" again.

They began to compromise with certain forces. How could such a wavering policy be tolerated? So Wei Hongjun said, "As land reform enters its second phase, some problems have indeed emerged. A very unfavorable tendency has emerged in the current rural land reform, and that is absolute egalitarianism. They hope to distribute everything in the countryside equally. This includes not only rural means of production like land, but also some personal assets.

This tendency led to numerous conflicts in some rural areas. This was because, in addition to dividing the personal property of rich peasants and landlords, they also sought to divide the personal property of middle peasants. This practice severely impacted the interests of middle peasants and drew resistance from them. This also included families who had acquired land during the first phase of land reform and had accumulated some savings over the past two years, who were dissatisfied with this situation.

These incidents during this period have directly affected the enthusiasm of many farmers to work hard and get rich, because they are worried that such incidents will happen again.

Even if they work hard to get rich, they risk losing their wealth.”

"Therefore, it is imperative that some provisions be introduced at this meeting to protect personal assets. Aside from the personal wealth of rich peasants and landlords, the personal property of other middle-class peasants belongs to individuals. We must clarify this ownership. Only by telling our farmers that their personal property is protected by national law can we fully mobilize the enthusiasm of farmers to work hard and get rich.

Wei Hongjun strongly supports the discussion of personal property at this National Land Conference.

Only when ownership in this area is clearly defined can the farmers' enthusiasm for prosperity be stimulated. Absolute egalitarianism in rural areas must be opposed. Chairman Mao criticized these phenomena as early as when he was in the Soviet areas.

However, after more than ten years, the same thing that happened in the Soviet area happened again in the liberated areas. Therefore, Wei Hongjun strongly agreed with the "Outline of the Land Law" regarding the issue of personal property.

"But personal property is personal property, and land is land; these are completely different concepts. Personal property is property owned by individuals, while land is a means of production in rural areas. Comrade Peng Zhen's criticism of rural egalitarianism is correct, but this issue, which is limited to personal assets, should not include means of production such as land. I firmly oppose the free trade of rural land. I have a question: If we allow the free trade of rural land, and in a few years rural land begins to be concentrated again, a new group of landlords will begin to emerge. How will we treat these new landlords then? How will we define them?

"Should we leave it alone? If we leave it alone, then what's the difference between the countryside and before the gentry reform? What changes have there been in the rural production relations? The landlord class still controls the rural land, and the countryside still has a feudal land system. This goes against the purpose of our revolution. If we are to take action, should we deal with these new landlords again using the methods of land reform? Should we once again define these new landlords as the exploiting class? Should we overthrow them again? But in what name should we deal with them? In what name should we overthrow them? In what name should we carry out the gentry reform again? If we deal with those farmers who have become wealthy just because they are new landlords, then who among our farmers would dare to become wealthy? Just because they become wealthy, you overthrow them?"

Wei Hongjun didn't understand.

Why, during the revolution, did some cadres resort to such "leftist" tactics, as if those who weren't "leftist" weren't revolutionaries? At that time, they were eager to knock everything to the ground, and even trample on it, preventing it from ever rising again. It was as if revolution was about destroying everything non-revolutionary.

But now that victory is drawing near, they are again compromising, and the extent of their compromise is significant.

In Wei Hongjun's view, this is a typical case of not distinguishing between primary and secondary contradictions.

During a war, the battle is paramount. For the sake of victory, some compromise is necessary. Policies at this time must not be "leftist," as such policies could easily push the centrists to the enemy's side. This is why Wei Hongjun proposed the primary and intermediate stages of land reform. The primary goal was to stabilize the rural centrists, the substantial middle peasant class.

But when the revolution was about to win, the main contradiction was in the process of shifting.

Many issues that were difficult to handle during wartime can now be dealt with. Many things that seemed "leftist" during the war years are actually perfectly appropriate at this stage.

As soon as Wei Hongjun's question came out, it directly hit the views of Peng Zhen and others.

If you compromise now, the countryside may appear peaceful. But in a few years, problems will arise in the countryside. How will you deal with them then? If you don't deal with them, then what is the purpose of our revolution?

If you do, in what name will you do it?

You yourself carried out land reform and distributed land, and you yourself allowed everyone to buy and sell land. Some people became new landlords under such policies, and you still call them the rural exploiting class?

Then who in the countryside would dare to get rich? How could rural people trust the new government?

Wei Hongjun had discussed this issue with the cadres of the North China Bureau early on.

Wei Hongjun understood the issues better than anyone else. After refuting Peng Zhen, he continued, "Some of our policies should leave some wiggle room. Take the Datong Coal Mine, for example. It suffered significant damage during the war. Currently, the annual output of Datong's thirteen mines is between 60 and 80 tons. When we issue targets to Datong Coal Mine, we shouldn't force them to reach 80 tons. Instead, we should leave them some wiggle room and set targets of 60 or 70 tons."

"But some policies are different and can't be left with the same wiggle room as these indicators. Some things must be clear: one is one, two is two. There can't be any ambiguity. If there's ambiguity, lower-level officials won't know what to do. When formulating some policies, we need to consider future issues. To prevent the emergence of new landlords in rural areas, which would create a dilemma for our future rural policies, the sale and purchase of rural land must be banned. This is why, when land reform was first enacted, the sale, pawning, and leasing of land was prohibited."

"But there's a problem here. After the land reform, rural land became privately owned. So what reason do we have to prohibit people from buying, selling, pawning, or renting out land? When the land reform began, we only temporarily banned the sale, pawning, and leasing of land. But now, we're introducing the 'Outline of the Land Law.' This could very well be the 'Land Law' of New China. We must have a solid legal basis and be convincing. The only way to do this is to establish that land ownership belongs to the state and the village collective. Only then will we have the legitimate reason to prohibit the sale and purchase of rural land."

Once Wei Hongjun opened his mouth, there was no ambiguity.

Wei Hongjun's meaning has always been clear.

Rural land must not be bought, sold, pawned, or rented out. At least at this stage, these are not permitted. This is the core of Wei Hongjun's "Land Law": no new landlords can emerge in rural areas.

This is the bottom line.

And what derives from this bottom line is the issue of land ownership.

Again.

If the land is distributed to individuals, the ownership belongs to the individuals.

So, under what pretext did the government prohibit them from buying and selling land? It's my land, and I can do whatever I want with it. Does that mean the government needs to intervene?

This is a problem that needs to be solved.

The laws enacted by the government and the documents issued by the government are all intended to address these problems.

So under what pretext is the government banning these?

The goal is to completely resolve this issue from the perspective of ownership.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun is right."

Gao Gang immediately shouted, "Our policies cannot be improvised on the spur of the moment. They must conform to reality, and there must be no contradictions between different policies. This is true of our land law. We firmly oppose the sale of land, and we absolutely cannot allow new landlords to emerge in rural areas. However, such policies must be based on policy, not just arbitrary government policies. This basis is that land ownership should belong to the state. Only in this way can we have sufficient basis to prohibit the sale of rural land."

Gao Gang is very proud.

Although he was a cadre who came from the impoverished northern Shaanxi, Gao Gang's experience in the Northeast over the past two years made him more and more confident. Gao Gang presided over the land reform work in the Northeast with great success. The grain output in the rural areas of the Northeast has been increasing, and batches of farmers from the Northeast have joined the army. Even in urban work, Gao Gang did not think that he was worse than Peng Zhen. In terms of restoring normal production of factories in the Northeast, the performance of several cities that Gao Gang was in charge of was far better than that of Peng Zhen. Several urban factories that Gao Gang was in charge of resumed normal production in a short period of time. On the contrary, Changchun and other places that Peng Zhen was in charge of have been in the stage of wrangling for two years.

This made Gao Gang more and more confident.

So when facing Peng Zhen, the alternate secretary of the Secretariat, Gao Gang was not shy. He even secretly "implied" that some clauses in the Outline of the Land Law were policies that certain leaders had come up with on the spur of the moment.

Comrade Xiuyang, seeing the current situation, could only say, "Then let's put this clause aside for now. We'll finalize it after we've fully discussed it."

Comrade Xiuyang really didn't expect this.

Even though he was personally presiding over this National Land Conference, the "Land Law Outline" he personally drafted was met with opposition from so many local comrades. These were all high-ranking officials from local bureaus. If he had known this would happen, he would have definitely discussed opinions with these local bureau officials before the meeting. This would have prevented such an awkward situation during the meeting.

So we can only put this clause aside for now.

The chairman attended the meeting but did not make any statement on the dispute.

Wei Hongjun stood up and said, "This is a land conference, and also a rural work conference. I would like to talk about agriculture here.

Chapter 731 Three Elements of Agricultural Development

"Since the establishment of anti-Japanese bases behind enemy lines during the Second Sino-Japanese War, my work has primarily focused on the development of rural bases. Through these years of understanding rural areas and agriculture, I have developed some of my own ideas about agricultural development. Those present here today have all been involved in rural work for many years, and I believe everyone has their own perspectives on agriculture. Meetings like these are invaluable, so I'd like to offer some ideas to stimulate discussion."

Wei Hongjun does have many opinions of his own on agricultural development.

Previously, the party’s main task was armed struggle, so the opportunity for so many rural cadres to gather together was very rare.

Now that this opportunity had finally arrived, and most of the provisions of the Land Law Outline had been discussed, the next step would be to discuss agricultural development, and Wei Hongjun naturally wanted to speak freely.

Most of these people will still have to deal with rural areas in the future.

It can be said that this is the best opportunity.

"After years of observation, I believe that in order to increase rural grain production, in addition to changing rural production relations, there are three main factors: farmland construction, seed issues, and fertilizer issues. These three factors directly affect grain production."

Many cadres became excited when they heard Wei Hongjun talk about specific issues.

Needless to say, the cadres from the North China Bureau and the Northeast Bureau were Wei Hongjun's base. The North China Bureau was Wei Hongjun's primary base. He was responsible for land reform in Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei, and later served as Vice Chairman of the North China Joint Administrative Committee, in charge of agricultural work. Now, with the establishment of the North China People's Government, he also served as Vice Chairman, still in charge of agricultural work. Therefore, Wei Hongjun was familiar with the agricultural cadres in the North China Bureau.

Many of the cadres in the Northeast Bureau had also come from Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei, so they were familiar with Wei Hongjun. Even the cadres from the Central Plains Bureau and the East China Bureau were familiar with Wei Hongjun's name.

Everyone knows that Wei Hongjun is an iconic cadre of land reform.

So they all wanted to hear Wei Hongjun's views on agriculture.