Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

The military party believed that the liberation areas were won by the army and that the army was the greatest hero of the Liberation War. However, the underground party looked down on the military party, believing that party members and cadres from the army were crude and did not understand urban work.

The management of the city still depends on these underground party members who come from the city.

The military party was resolute and decisive in its work, but also somewhat rough, which sometimes intensified conflicts. In contrast, the underground party was more delicate and gentle in its work, handling matters with subtlety, but also making many compromises in its work.

The working style is completely different.

If we examine the underground party's history at this time, there might be rumors. After all, Wei Hongjun came from the military party. If it were to become a conflict between the military party and the underground party, it would be detrimental to future work and unity.

Seeing that Wei Hongjun didn't say anything, Du Liqing understood Wei Hongjun's dilemma.

But Du Liqing still said: "Old Wei, now is the best time to sort it out. If we wait a while, things will become more complicated, the contradictions will become more serious, and the resistance will be greater.

Du Liqing is the Minister of Social Affairs.

What we need to do is not only to fight against espionage, but also to ensure the purity of the party.

Wei Hongjun looked at Du Liqing's decisiveness and nodded slowly. Sometimes, we must face conflicts head-on and not avoid them for various reasons. If we don't address the problems that have arisen in the underground party now, who knows how many people will sneak into the party through the underground party organization.

Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "The Ministry of Social Affairs and the Ministry of Urban Construction will write a report on what you've recently uncovered. I'll discuss this with Secretary Nie, Secretary Bo, and Secretary Dong, and issue the order for the investigation."

Du Liqing and Liu Renyi were stunned.

Du Liqing immediately said: "Old Wei, regarding the screening, our Social Affairs Department and Urban Construction Department will apply.

This is an offensive thing.

After Du Liqing decided to conduct the investigation, she wasn't afraid of offending anyone. But Wei Hongjun had just said that he would take responsibility for this matter. He would also be the one issuing the orders.

Wei Hongjun shook his head.

Du Liqing and Liu Ren are both veteran Party members. Du Liqing goes without saying, and Liu Ren also joined the Party in 1927, and his uncle was Zhao Shiyan, an early leader of the Communist Party of China. Even so, their current foundations are not as strong as Wei Hongjun's.

A comprehensive investigation and identification of underground party members, mainly the history of these party members before and after liberation, is definitely an offensive task.

Wei Hongjun can handle it.

Wei Hongjun's status in the party, government and military, as well as his current upward momentum, are no longer affected by ordinary things.

Even if it offends people, some things still have to be done.

On the other hand, if Du Liqing and Liu Ren were to shoulder the responsibility, it would certainly not be a problem at this stage given their rank. However, if they offended someone on such a large scale, even the slightest disturbance in the future could potentially affect their political careers. They are both excellent cadres. With Wei Hongjun helping them bear the brunt of the pressure, the pressure on them would be much less.

"This matter is settled. You only need to write a report on what you have recently discovered, and do not get involved in the following matters. After the North China Bureau issues the screening order, you will formulate a screening plan. We must not only eliminate those black sheep who have infiltrated the party, but also protect our comrades.

Wei Hongjun made the decision directly.

Du Liqing didn't say anything else.

Du Liqing enjoys working with Wei Hongjun because he's decisive and doesn't waver or hesitate. More importantly, he's committed. While Liu Ren and Wei Hongjun don't have a personal relationship, they've always worked well together. Like Du Liqing, Liu Ren also appreciates Wei Hongjun's commitment. The biggest fear in work is encountering a leader who lacks accountability and pushes the blame down the line.

"The two of us will go back now and make a screening plan."

"Okay, let's split up."

Chapter 736 Sudden Conflict

Marshal Nie, Bo Shuchun, Dong Biwu and others were also very surprised when they received Wei Hongjun's report.

I didn't expect such a serious problem to arise.

And this is not an isolated case.

If this is not properly resolved, the problem will be huge.

However, they were very cautious about Wei Hongjun's proposal to comprehensively review the history of underground Party members and cadres. After all, these Party members and cadres risked their lives on the hidden front and made great contributions to the victory of the revolution. Not to mention intelligence issues and the propaganda work in the cities that opened up a second front. The contributions of these White Area Party cadres alone were enormous when they united to protect important urban facilities and factories during the liberation of the cities. How could they be happy about a comprehensive review of their history now? It was as if the organization didn't trust them.

It will hurt the feelings of many comrades.

But what's happening now is so egregious that we must investigate. If so many fake members are allowed into the Party, how can we guarantee its purity? These fake members are scrambling to join, hoping to reap the benefits after liberation and share in the fruits of victory in New China. None of them are true revolutionaries. Not only these fake members, but also those who dare to fabricate their identities are not revolutionaries either. Or perhaps they were once revolutionaries, but have now completely fallen into depravity. Such members, fake members, should be expelled from the Party.

The final outcome of the discussion was a notice issued in the name of the North China Bureau. This notice, distributing the incidents to all units, required the former underground Party organizations to conduct self-examination and self-correction. The Social Affairs Department, the Urban Work Department, the Enemy Work Department, and the Political Departments of the various Public Security Bureaus would then jointly review the information. Overall, this was a compromise, giving the Party organizations in the White Areas an opportunity to conduct self-examination and self-correction. Wei Hongjun's original intention was to conduct a comprehensive review of these cadres, including mid-level and senior Party leaders in the White Areas.

However, Marshal Nie and the others ultimately did not agree.

Because the impact is too bad.

Marshal Nie, Bo Shuchun, and Dong Biwu were all cadres from the liberated areas. If a comprehensive investigation of underground Party cadres had been carried out immediately after the liberation of North China, it would have seemed that the Central Committee had no confidence in the Party in the White Areas. Now that liberation has begun, it would have been like dealing with them. If such an incident had led to a sharp confrontation between Party members and cadres in the liberated areas and those in the White Areas, it would have been detrimental to our work.

Especially in cities, the impact is too bad.

Because the White Area Party was familiar with the city during the takeover process, almost all city departments had members and cadres from the White Area Party involved. If a major problem really arose, it would directly affect the current stability.

Wei Hongjun had no choice but to accept it. It was only then that he realized that some conflicts, once they arise, cannot be easily mitigated. This was just the beginning. When problems with the work style of cadres in the liberated areas and Party cadres in the white areas arise, that will become a truly serious problem. Work conflicts aren't a major problem; it's the fact that some people will turn them into conflicts within factions.

The more Wei Hongjun thought about it, the more his head hurt.

Wei Hongjun hoped that Party members and cadres in the liberated areas and those in the white areas would work together for the revolution. After all, North China had been liberated, and all that remained was construction. However, Wei Hongjun understood that this was not an easy task.

Many problems are not big problems at first, but once they involve mountain tops, they become complicated.

Wei Hongjun is currently the actual head of the North China Bureau.

So after the North China Bureau issued this notice, Wei Hongjun, in his capacity as deputy secretary of the North China Bureau, immediately issued a series of notices. At the same time, Wei Hongjun summoned representatives of the White Area Party in various cities in North China for talks.

These White Area Party representatives currently hold high ranks. After a city is liberated, the director of the Military Control Commission is either a member of the military Party or a local Party branch from the liberated areas. Among the deputy directors, there is usually a White Area Party representative. In other words, between a quarter and a third of the current rosters of municipal Party committees in North China are from White Area Party organizations, as they are familiar with the newly liberated city.

Whether it was taking over various departments in the city or taking over various factories in the city, people from the White Area Party were involved.

Therefore, after liberation, the Party representatives from the White Areas in various cities were all of high rank. Wei Hongjun met with them specifically for this major review.

One was to reassure them, telling them that the organization didn't distrust them. The organization acknowledged their contributions and trusted their Party spirit and loyalty. However, now that something so serious had occurred, the organization must investigate. However, this investigation would target those scum within the Party, not the entire White Area Party. This allowed the vast majority of Party members and cadres in the White Area to rest assured.

Another hope is that they will cooperate with this review. Don't engage in factionalism, and don't cover up problems just because they arise within your own line. Revolutionaries should be open and honest, and if problems arise, they should be addressed.

If any issues were excessive during this review, or if some comrades were wronged, they can be re-handled after the review is concluded. Don't cry and whine about being wronged during the review process, and try to resist this major review.

Revolutionaries must be able to accept temporary grievances. Since the founding of the Communist Party of China in 1921, which central leadership has not suffered injustice? When the Commander-in-Chief sought to join the Party, Chen Duxiu dismissed him as a warlord. As for Chairman Mao, it goes without saying that from the beginning of the Autumn Harvest Uprising, he continued the revolution amidst constant criticism and suppression from the Central Committee. At its worst, the Central Committee used the "Luo Ming Line" and the "Deng Mao Xie Gu" cases as excuses to implicate cadres who supported Chairman Mao.

A true revolutionary must dare to accept scrutiny and dare to accept temporary grievances.

Wei Hongjun hoped that these White Area Party representatives would truly uphold impartiality, consider the revolution, and cooperate with this major review. If any of these White Area Party representatives concealed any issues for their own benefit, Wei Hongjun would definitely note them in his notebook. Such individuals could disregard Party principles for so-called "emotions" today, and could sabotage the revolution in the future for their own "mountaintop interests."

Of course, Wei Hongjun's warnings were directed not only at Party cadres in the white areas. This major review was primarily the responsibility of the Social Affairs Department and the Urban Work Department, with Du Liqing and Liu Ren in charge. Wei Hongjun repeatedly urged Du Liqing and Liu Ren to avoid any "retaliation" during this review. North China had been liberated for nearly two months, and during this time, significant conflicts had arisen between Party cadres in the liberated areas and those in the white areas.

If this review leads to some cadres seeking to "retaliate" against those with whom they have a negative relationship, it's possible. This could easily escalate the conflict. Therefore, Wei Hongjun could only target Du Liqing and Liu Ren a few times. While the review is acceptable, it must not involve tactics similar to those used in the "anti-counterrevolutionary" campaign.

Wei Hongjun is really busy.

Industry, agriculture, cities, and now we are also responsible for the issue of the underground party.

But there is no way.

Being in charge of a large region, that's it.

While North China was bustling with activity, the fighting in Shandong, Jiangsu, Henan, and Hubei was intensifying. This was truly a decisive battle that would determine China's fate. The PLA troops held an absolute numerical advantage.

The field army alone had approximately 160 million troops, and the various military district and local forces also had a million troops. This was not the end of the story. The PLA's logistical work in combat was all done by the military districts mobilizing militias and civilians.

There were hundreds of thousands or even millions of civilian workers supporting the front.

Batch by batch.

It can be said that although the PLA deployed 160 million field troops, the number of people on the PLA side who actually participated in this decisive battle exceeded 300 million.

Chiang Kai-shek also understood the importance of this battle. Perhaps it was Chiang Kai-shek's personality that meant he wanted everything and didn't want to give up anything. After all, this decisive battle involved multiple provinces, and such a large area, Chiang Kai-shek certainly couldn't bear to give it up.

So Chiang Kai-shek decided to put his all on the line and take on the PLA. In addition to the troops already stationed north of the Yangtze River, he also mobilized elite troops south of the Yangtze River, totaling over 140 million troops. Of course, Chiang Kai-shek dared to deploy so many troops because American support had already begun arriving. Once the United States decided to support Chiang Kai-shek, military supplies were delivered to him continuously.

Chiang Kai-shek, leveraging US support, began re-equipping these frontline troops, adding several units equipped with US and semi-US weapons. He also began training new troops south of the Yangtze River. Since the US had officially decided to support Chiang Kai-shek, in addition to military supplies, it also dispatched numerous military instructors. These individuals came to Chiang Kai-shek's side and assisted him in training the new batch of US and semi-US armed troops.

Ever since the United States was willing to support Chiang Kai-shek, Chiang Kai-shek has been very proud.

As long as we can utilize American military supplies and train a dozen or twenty American-equipped divisions, everything will be possible.

Unfortunately, after the outbreak of the decisive battle, Chiang Kai-shek never smiled again, because even with so many troops concentrated, he could not stop the PLA's attack.

The Second, Third, and Fifth Field Armies surrounded and annihilated the Nationalist army corps one by one. This decisive battle further magnified the Nationalist army's disadvantages. The first reason was the ulterior motives among the various Nationalist army units.

The larger the scale of a decisive battle, the more troops involved, and the greater the test of coordination between them. However, each of these Nationalist army units was divided into factions and each had its own masters. This was true for both the local warlords and the central army. None of them feared the others, resulting in poor coordination between the various units.

Many friendly forces, facing difficulties, remained unmoved. This wasn't limited to the individual corps. This problem also arose within the same corps, within the various armies, and even within the divisions. Chiang Kai-shek himself relied on the military to seize power, and so it was with his generals. Their greatest fear was losing their troops. Therefore, they each meticulously conserved their strength.

As a result, many heavily armored corps were surrounded and annihilated one by one by the People's Liberation Army.

The second is that Chiang Kai-shek’s problem of issuing random orders became more and more serious.

Although the frontline commanders had been assigned, Chiang Kai-shek could not help but give orders to the frontline troops during the battle. This overstepping of the boundaries of command directly disrupted the deployment of the troops.

It's really a mess.

In comparison, the People's Liberation Army also has its own mountain strongholds.

There were arguments and compromises, but few dared to disobey orders on the battlefield. Even a proud man like Yang Quanwu knew that while you could argue in meetings and fight for your unit's interests during battle deployments, once a decision had been made and an order had been issued, disobeying orders on the battlefield was a serious offense, punishable by Party discipline, national law, and military discipline.

That's discipline.

Although there were some disputes in the cooperation between the various PLA units, there were no major mistakes in the overall direction.

If you were asked to fight, would you really not fight, or would you dare not fight? Even if there was no previous connection between the various units, if you were asked to cooperate, you would cooperate. This is a huge advantage. When large-scale military operations are carried out, this advantage is infinitely magnified. One side is giving its all, while the other has its own agenda. The outcome of the war is already decided.

The PLA's field troops were mostly combat troops, capable of engaging in combat. The Nationalist army boasted 140 million troops, but these troops also included a large number of logistics and transport personnel. On the PLA side, these tasks were handled by civilian workers and local troops.

The military advantage is too great.

Under such circumstances, some underground party members led their troops to revolt continuously.

It dealt a severe blow to the morale of the national army.

The Fifth Field Army had been marching south for less than 50 days, and the decisive battle had erupted a month earlier. However, the PLA had already seized the absolute initiative across the battlefield. To date, not counting the Shandong battlefield, the PLA had systematically annihilated three Nationalist army corps, encircling and annihilating them, and had also fought effectively in the blocking battles. The PLA, with its superior numbers, directly divided the battlefields and began systematically annihilating those Nationalist troops.

And at this moment, a conflict occurred that no one had expected.

"Commander, something's wrong."

Jinan, Shandong.

PLA troops were coming in and out of Jinan, and everyone was in high spirits.

Because the battle in Shandong went particularly smoothly.

Corps Chief of Staff Li Yingxi hurried into the command center.

His face was solemn.

Xu Shiyou looked up at Li Yingxi, then began to look at the map again, saying nonchalantly, "Now that we've captured Jinan, what else can we expect? Is it that the reorganization of those Nationalist troops isn't going smoothly? I'd say we should get rid of all those Nationalist officers; keeping them in the army would only harm our reorganized troops. And that traitorous servant has even infiltrated our PLA ranks. It's really frustrating... Secretary Rao isn't sending someone over to take over these matters quickly, leaving us with our field troops to reorganize these Nationalist troops. This won't affect our next battle. I'm now waiting for the order from the General Front Committee. As long as the General Front Committee gives the order, our 9th and 21st Corps can move south."

After the East China Field Army was reorganized into the Third Field Army, Xu Shiyou served as the commander of the 9th Corps of the Third Field Army and also served as the commander of the Shandong Military Region, becoming the highest military leader in Shandong. When the decisive battle broke out this time, Xu Shiyou was fully responsible for the battle in Shandong.