Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji
Page 576
Wei Hongjun knew Gao Gang was a cadre with strong opinions and a tough style. In other words, Gao Gang was a cadre with ideas, abilities, and methods. He wouldn't have stopped the train for no reason.
Although this batch of machinery and equipment is indeed important.
But it wouldn't involve Gao Gang's level of leadership. So Wei Hongjun said directly, "Secretary Gao, everyone's busy. We don't need to beat around the bush like everyone else. Let's be frank and honest. What do you need to do to allow these machines and equipment to enter?"
"Hahaha."
Gao Gang burst into laughter when he heard Wei Hongjun's words.
Gao Gang and Wei Hongjun are not familiar with each other.
After the Long March, the Central Red Army arrived in northern Shaanxi, and it took nearly two years until they crossed the Yellow River. However, by that time, Gao Gang was already a senior CCP cadre, while Wei Hongjun was only a small battalion-level officer in the Red Army. So, while both were in northern Shaanxi, they had no direct contact.
Wei Hongjun and Gao Gang met during the Yan'an Rectification Movement and the Seventh National Congress.
But we were just acquaintances at that time.
Although Wei Hongjun was at the height of his popularity at the time, he was still a far cry from Gao Gang. Gao Gang had become a member of the Politburo at the Seventh National Congress, a position of considerable prestige. It was during the National Rural and Urban Conferences that the two men truly crossed paths in their work and began to get to know each other.
During these meetings, the two people had many common points of view.
At this time, Gao Gang was really paying attention to Wei Hongjun.
Gao Gang admired Wei Hongjun's work style. So, he said directly, "Comrade Wei Hongjun, these machines and equipment are not a problem. I heard that you're renovating old coal mines in North China right now. If you need help, we in Northeast China can transfer some technicians and workers from various coal mines to help you."
Wei Hongjun didn't say anything.
He kept looking at Gao Gang. Because Wei Hongjun knew that Gao Gang had done so many things, he must have a request. Gao Gang continued: "Comrade Wei Hongjun, I want to discuss three things with your North China Bureau."
"Secretary Gao, please speak."
"First, Comrade Wu Hao has reached an agreement with the Soviet Union regarding studying abroad. The first batch of places will be approximately 3700, including 700 for industrial cadres and 3000 for university students and technicians."
News came quickly from Gao Gang.
Even surpassing Wei Hongjun.
It should be said that Wei Hongjun is working in Beijing, and the central government is currently working in Yi County, so Wei Hongjun's news is relatively fast. But Gao Gang obviously also has his own channels of information.
"Under the current circumstances, the Central Committee will certainly send students abroad as soon as possible, and we estimate that the first batch will be dispatched within the year. Currently, only the North China Bureau and the Northeast Bureau can quickly organize a team of overseas students. I know that the North China Bureau has been preparing for this since the end of the War of Resistance. But our Northeast Bureau cannot fall behind. How about splitting the number of study-abroad places between our families?"
Wei Hongjun frowned.
He sneered in his heart.
Gao Gang was truly clever. Wei Hongjun had been preparing for a place to study in the Soviet Union since 1944 and 1945. When Jinchayi University was first established, Russian language instruction was included.
Not only college students, but also many cadres went to universities to attend classes and improved their Russian.
It was to prepare for studying in the Soviet Union in the future.
It can be said that of all the local bureaus in China, the North China Bureau has the largest pool of talent. Or rather, the largest pool of talent who studied in the Soviet Union. The central government sent the first batch of students abroad to train industrial cadres and technicians for the new China. Therefore, the bulk of the talent pool was undoubtedly from the North China Bureau.
Gao Gang actually wanted to split the quota in half with the North China Bureau.
Seeing Wei Hongjun remained silent, Gao Gang smiled and said, "Comrade Wei Hongjun, this is only the first batch of places for overseas students. There will be a second, third, and fourth batches later. The Central Committee will not stop sending students to the Soviet Union. I only want half of the first batch of places."
"Secretary Gao, what about the second thing?"
"Comrade Wei Hongjun, your North China Bureau has established a large number of universities of its own, and you also control universities from Yan'an and the universities in the Tianjin-Beijing area. Some time ago, we wanted to establish Northeast Agricultural University. I visited universities in the Tianjin-Beijing area, but to no avail. Comrade Wei Hongjun, you are doing something wrong in this regard.
Wei Hongjun didn't say anything.
Because there is nothing much to say about this matter.
It was all about who could act faster. To establish North China Agricultural University, Wei Hongjun rounded up all the agricultural faculty and students in North China. Of course, he couldn't leave it to the Northeast Bureau to snatch them away.
Gao Gang said, "Comrade Wei Hongjun, shouldn't our two families increase their exchanges in this regard?"
Wei Hongjun already understood what Gao Gang meant.
In addition to securing a place to study in the Soviet Union, Gao Gang also secured access to the university resources of North China. North China currently possesses the richest university resources in all of China. North China boasts universities established by the central government, universities established by the region itself, and the Tianjin-Beijing region itself, which boasts a high concentration of Chinese universities.
Gao Gang has a big appetite.
Wei Hongjun could understand all of this. Gao Gang and Wei Hongjun were both powerful figures in their respective regions, and their most important task was economic development. Northeast China's industrial and agricultural output was booming, but Gao Gang wasn't one to rest on his laurels. He had greater ambitions for the region. So, he sought a share of the resources of North China's universities.
"Secretary Gao, what about the third thing?"
"The Establishment of a Military Academy."
Gao Gang is actually very envious of Huabei.
North China developed early.
The North China Bureau was a merger of the Central Bureaus of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Region and the Central Bureaus of the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Region. Both the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei and Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan regions were old Eighth Route Army bases, and possessed a sufficient cadre pool. Especially during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, each military region and sub-region had its own cadre school to train military and political cadres. Later, due to the strong performance of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Region and its stable rear base, the North China Military and Political University, then the largest of its kind in the Eighth Route Army, was established to train military and political cadres. Later, even the main campus of the Anti-Japanese University was relocated to Chahar, now serving as the North China Army University.
you could put it that way.
Most of the important military and political cadre training schools owned by the Eighth Route Army at that time were located in North China.
In comparison, the Northeast is much worse.
Because the Rehe Channel has always existed, when the Northeast was short of cadres, North China used the Rehe Channel to continuously provide cadres to the Northeast. As a result, in the past two years, the strength of the cadre schools trained by the Northeast has not developed as fast.
Historically, the main campus of the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University was relocated to the Northeast, becoming the cradle of the development of Northeastern military academies. However, after the loss of the thousands of teachers and students of the main campus, the Northeastern Bureau also established its own military and political cadre school, but its scale and strength were far inferior to those in North China.
Gao Gang didn't say it directly.
But Wei Hongjun already understood what Gao Gang meant.
Wei Hongjun reconsidered.
Gao Gang's request was generally acceptable. The North China Bureau and the Northeast Bureau each had their own strengths and could fully cooperate and complement each other's strengths. However, Wei Hongjun was considering what public benefits he should ask Gao Gang for.
Chapter 743 Mutual Benefit
After Gao Gang put forward his request, he waited quietly and did not urge Wei Hongjun.
Wei Hongjun was thinking.
Gao Gang possesses considerable capabilities, but his style is bold and assertive, and he's not afraid to take unconventional approaches. This is a stark contrast to many senior officials who prioritize a measured approach. If other local leaders were interested in collaborating, they would send someone to discuss the matter with him. After all, the goal is collaboration, not enmity. Success is a positive development, but failure won't lead to conflict.
China is currently moving from chaos to stability.
Because old China was plagued by warlords. Even after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, Chiang Kai-shek reorganized most of the warlord forces. However, the chronic problems of old China could not be solved overnight. The warlords previously controlled various provinces, each with their own methods of rule and development priorities. Furthermore, the warlords' backers were different, resulting in different development situations. The areas controlled by the various local CCP bureaus are now divided by region. Each bureau controls different resources, and many of them actually have ample room for cooperation. They can exchange intelligence, resources, and advantages, and share them.
This kind of cooperation is benign.
It's just like doing business and exchanging what you have.
Cooperation between local bureaus is a good thing.
But Gao Gang did not do so. Instead, he used a semi-threatening method to force the North China Bureau to cooperate.
Wei Hongjun didn't know whether Gao Gang was using the Northeast Bureau to suppress the powerful North China Bureau, thereby enhancing the Northeast Bureau's position. Or whether Gao Gang himself looked down on Wei Hongjun, who had risen to prominence later, and therefore didn't take him seriously. Wei Hongjun had no way of telling which was the case.
But Wei Hongjun thought a lot.
This incident was a problem for the Northeast Bureau, and Gao Gang. If things really got out of hand, the Northeast Bureau would be the ones making the mistake, and the Central Committee would definitely support the North China Bureau. But Wei Hongjun had more concerns.
If things really get embarrassing, although it can suppress Gao Gang and the Northeast Bureau for a while, it will also be disadvantageous to the North China Bureau in the long run.
After all, Northeast China now controls the Soviet Union's passage.
In the future, there will inevitably be a large amount of trade between China and the Soviet Union, and the Northeast will play a vital role. Northeast China's special status will be difficult to replace in the short term. At that time, they can use any excuse to cause trouble for the North China Bureau's subsequent material transportation.
This is not what Wei Hongjun wants.
Of course, although Gao Gang was strong and might have wanted to suppress the North China Bureau, he had never thought of completely breaking up with it.
He was currently a local lord, but as a member of the Politburo, he was destined for central leadership in the future. To do so, he couldn't completely fall out with the powerful North China Bureau. Gao Gang's career was rapidly rising, his status within the Party and the military steadily increasing.
But seriously speaking, Gao Gang's foundation may not be more solid than Wei Hongjun's.
Wei Hongjun, a member of the Central Red Army from western Fujian, was a member of the Double First Class cadre program and had accompanied the Central Red Army through the Long March. He was a truly authentic veteran of the Red Army, a veteran Party member, and a veteran cadre. Nor was he simply a favored servant of certain leaders who reached his current position. Wei Hongjun had solid achievements during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and made concrete contributions to the building of the army, the Party, and land reform. He is now considered one of the representative cadres of the Jin-Cha-Ji region. As the Eighth Route Army's most prominent base, Jin-Cha-Ji not only produced a large number of outstanding military cadres but also trained a large number of outstanding local cadres. Marshal Nie represented Jin-Cha-Ji in the Central Committee, and Yang Quanwu represented the Fifth Field Army that developed from Jin-Cha-Ji. Wei Hongjun, then, represents the North China Military Region and local cadres of North China that developed from Jin-Cha-Ji. Although he had relatively little experience, he had a solid foundation and a stable base. Many Jin-Cha-Ji cadres were successful because of their superior performance. Therefore, compared to cadres from other liberated areas, despite having similar experience, his current status within the Party and the military is far higher. There were also a large number of local cadres from Jin-Cha-Ji who rose to prominence with the development of Jin-Cha-Ji during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. These constituted the basic base of Wei Hongjun.
But Gao Gang is different.
Although Gao Gang was highly capable, his rapid rise to power was due to his cadre background in northern Shaanxi. While the central government prioritized cadres in northern Shaanxi, several high-ranking officials in the region divided the region's base. Therefore, while Gao Gang possessed considerable influence in this region, he was still far inferior to the cadres who established and developed the anti-Japanese bases during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. These cadres, however, had the support of a robust military and political cadre.
Gao Gang later entered Northeast China, but his time there was too short. He entered Northeast China at the end of the Anti-Japanese War, and it had only been two and a half years since then.
The Northeast is a place where various factions and forces converge, home to many Party leaders and most military and political cadres with their own factions. After arriving in the Northeast, while cooperation was manageable, many naturally and unnaturally formed cliques within their original factions. For example, the Western Manchuria Military Region, despite ongoing cadre adjustments, primarily drew its military and political cadres from the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region. Thus, while the Western Manchuria Branch and the Western Manchuria Military Region were clearly subordinate to the Northeast, many viewed the Western Manchuria Military Region as inseparable from the Shanxi-Chahar Wing. These cadres had little historical connection to Gao Gang. After arriving in the Northeast, everyone remained focused on their own areas, with little cooperation. Gao Gang's strong abilities and willingness to work hands-on contributed significantly to the recovery of industry and agriculture in the Northeast.
Therefore, he established prestige in the Northeast.
But that's all.
The foundation is not solid.
Historically, Gao Gang's contributions during the Korean War, coupled with the importance of Northeast China, made him the most powerful of the Five Horsemen Marching into Beijing. However, Gao Gang hasn't reached that level yet. Therefore, while Gao Gang is forcing the North China Bureau this time, he ultimately intends to resolve the issue peacefully. However, Gao Gang is used to being dominant, and even in cooperative situations, he prefers to take the initiative and refuses to be at a disadvantage.
Wei Hongjun ponders the current situation in North China.
The main task of the liberated areas across the country is to restore the economy as quickly as possible and help them recover from the war. North China has a great advantage, that is, many places have not been involved in war since the end of the War of Resistance.
So it was not damaged by the war.
Now it’s more about construction.
So Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "Secretary Gao, our two companies are currently the largest liberated areas. It is indeed very good for both of us to complement each other's strengths."
Wei Hongjun agreed with Gao Gang's idea in principle.
Although he was annoyed by Gao Gang's actions, he still admired him. Speaking of which, the things Gao Gang wanted wouldn't be achieved overnight. But they would all be of great benefit to the future of Northeast China.
Whether it is sending cadres and technical personnel to study in the Soviet Union, or developing higher education and military academies in Northeast China, all will be of great benefit to the future of Northeast China. However, the results will not be seen within one or two years.
But Gao Gang still wanted to do it.
Even though he was not sure how much time he had left in Northeast China, Gao Gang was still able to do these things. This shows that Gao Gang is not a short-sighted person.
In terms of ability and vision, Wei Hongjun still admires Gao Gang.
Gao Gang's development in these areas depends on the help of the North China Bureau. However, the Northeast has a strong industrial base, especially since it was not destroyed by the Soviet Union at this time and space, so the current Northeast industry is very good.
Most factories have retained sufficient strength.
Moreover, through the efforts of the Northeast Bureau, the current industry and agriculture in Northeast China have surpassed those during the Japanese occupation period.
Very energetic.
The North China Bureau really needs the support of the Northeast Bureau to develop its industry.
Gao Gang's smile widened when he heard Wei Hongjun nod in agreement. He pushed his glasses and said, "Old Wei, you're right. The central government is very busy right now. Although it's slowly shifting its focus to economic development, we can't focus entirely on that."
The central government has a lot of work to do.
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