Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

But the effect has not been good.

Many people now feel that it's not that the Central South Bureau isn't resolute in opposing "localism," or that localism is too strong here. Rather, it's that the Central South Bureau's policy thinking is fundamentally flawed.

On the one hand, they say that local cadres have "local protectionism," while on the other hand, they hope that rural land reform can be carried out without conflict and that it can be completed peacefully. This is inherently contradictory.

When thinking about it this way, many people feel that something is wrong with Deng Zhihui.

Deng Zhihui also felt it.

Deng Zhihui was also wondering if there was something wrong with his approach. Although he criticized Marshal Ye and his colleagues for their moderate land reform in Guangdong, Deng Zhihui himself did not want the reform to cause any major problems.

Hopefully, the land reform issue can be resolved peacefully.

During the silence, Tao Zhu, who was in charge of the land reform in Guangxi, said, "Comrade Chen Tao is right. Our Central South Bureau's basic approach to land reform currently has serious problems. Previously, we hadn't identified the specific issues. Now, Comrade Chen Tao has pointed out the root of the problem. The leaders of our Central South Bureau are worried that too drastic land reform will trigger rural strife, so they keep emphasizing that land reform must not be left-leaning and must be stable. New China has only just been established, but some of our leaders are already afraid of struggle and want to complete our land reform peacefully. But can land reform really be accomplished entirely peacefully?"

Tao Zhu is a capable leader in the party.

He has always been vigorous and decisive in doing things.

Even the Chairman said that Tao Zhu was a leader in the Party.

He didn't care about anyone's face and continued, "As Comrade Chen Tao said, our cadres have forgotten that land reform is first and foremost about opposing feudalism. We must overthrow the landlord class, destroy the clans, and thoroughly eliminate the feudal forces in the countryside. We should not simply think that land reform means dividing the land, and dividing the land means land reform. If our land reform in the Central South Bureau is to proceed smoothly, we must completely change this situation.

We must work hard to make our cadres understand that the essence of land reform is to overthrow the feudal land system in rural areas.

Tao Zhu's weight is much heavier than Chen Tao's.

If everyone is wary of Chen Tao, it's mainly because of his background. Hailing from North China, Chen Tao is a capable general in Wei Hongjun's army. However, Tao Zhu has been a significant figure since his entry into the game.

He graduated from the Whampoa Military Academy and participated in the Nanchang Uprising and the Guangzhou Uprising.

During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, he served as Secretary-General of the Military Commission, Secretary-General of the General Political Department, and Minister of the Propaganda Department. During the Liberation War, he traveled to Northeast China, where he collaborated with Gao Gang on land reform. He later served as Deputy Director of the Political Department of the Fourth Field Army and is currently Deputy Director of the Political Department of the Central-South Military Region. He is also a member of the Standing Committee of the Central-South Bureau and Secretary of the Guangxi Provincial Party Committee.

Very high status.

So I have the confidence to speak.

Although Deng Zhihui's name was not mentioned, every sentence pointed to Deng Zhihui, who was in charge of the work of the Central South Bureau and the land reform in the Central South Bureau.

After Tao Zhu finished speaking, cadres from other provinces spoke one after another.

Chen Tao was an exceptionally brilliant and intelligent cadre. He immediately grasped the core issue of land reform. Many problems are like this. Things that appear complex and chaotic can become quite simple once the core contradiction is grasped. If you can't grasp the principal contradiction, you'll be busy and confused, yet you won't be able to solve the problem. Now that Chen Tao had summarized the problem, the other land reform cadres all caught on.

They themselves are experienced land reform cadres from Northeast China and North China.

Even more so now.

They all began to criticize the idea of ​​"peaceful distribution of land".

D.

Although it doesn't fit the current situation, it can be described this way. Many land reform cadres, even if they were dissatisfied with Deng Zhihui's policies, did not dare to point out his problems directly because of his seniority and rank.

But since everyone spoke up, there was no scruples.

Although Deng Zhihui held a high rank, these cadres all had strong foundations. Those land reform cadres from North China, while not like Chen Tao, who was Wei Hongjun's key figure in the land reform in North China, were all cadres who had worked under Wei Hongjun.

Many of them are even Wei Hongjun's students.

Since Chen Tao has come forward, they certainly don't want to be outdone.

Deng Zhihui was completely embarrassed. Originally, Deng Zhihui had intended to reiterate the central government's mission and urge lower-level cadres to speed up their work. Unexpectedly, the meeting went in the exact opposite direction.

Deng Zhihui was a little angry.

But he wasn't angry. Deng Zhihui was generally a relatively open-minded cadre. He wouldn't hold a grudge just because someone pointed out his mistakes.

But even so, he still felt very embarrassed.

"Comrade Chen Tao, the problems you mentioned do exist. So how do you think the land reform work should proceed?"

Du De, who was next to Deng Zhihui, spoke up.

Du De was a cadre from the Central Plains Bureau. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, he participated in revolutionary activities in the Taihang Mountains, led troops in battle, and established bases. After Liu and Deng's main forces moved south into the Central Plains, he served as Secretary-General of the Central Plains Bureau.

When he was the secretary-general of the Central Plains Bureau, he began to be responsible for land reform in the Central Plains region.

Here he met Deng Zhihui.

The two sides cooperated well on the issue of land reform. After the Central South Bureau was established, Du De served as the Secretary-General of the Central South Bureau and also served as the Deputy Director of the Central South Bureau's Land Reform Committee, cooperating with Deng Zhihui.

Dude is a very young cadre.

Only 35 years old this year.

But because of his outstanding performance in dealing with rural issues, his current rank is also very high.

Dude's land reform plan was mainly "prudent".

Dude's thoughts.

He also held certain ideas about "peaceful land distribution." However, Du De also supported mobilizing the masses and opposing feudalism. He had always believed that the Central South Bureau's land reform was an obstruction of "localism," but Chen Tao's remarks dealt him a heavy blow. Because a large part of the Central South Bureau's land reform was based on this, he couldn't help but ask Chen Tao.

Now Du De no longer considered Chen Tao a lucky cadre who had prospered by participating in Wei Hongjun's "Shengxian Experience." Because the problems Chen Tao had identified were all real problems.

It must be the result that Chen Tao actually understood in the Central South Bureau.

It is impossible that he was relaying Wei Hongjun's words. Wei Hongjun was far away in Beijing and it was impossible for him to be so familiar with the situation of the Central South Bureau.

Du De now attached great importance to Chen Tao. Chen Tao had only been at the Central South Bureau for about forty days, but he had already seen the essence of the problem.

Chen Tao immediately said: "First: We must make our cadres understand that the purpose of land reform is not just to divide the land, but to carry out the most extensive anti-feudal movement in the countryside. Our cadres must understand that land reform is a revolution, a social revolution in the countryside. Only when our cadres understand the great significance of land reform can we let them completely abandon the wrong idea that 'peaceful land distribution' is land reform.

"Secondly, we must mobilize the peasants and let them participate in the great land reform movement. Land reform without the participation of the masses is incomplete. Only when the broad masses of the people understand the significance of land reform and actively participate in the anti-feudal social revolution can we completely destroy the feudal system in the villages and complete the rural land reform.

"Third: Mobilize the masses and organize them at the same time. Only organized masses have fighting power; individual masses cannot accomplish the great task of anti-feudalism. Therefore, our cadres must learn to mobilize and organize the masses.

"Fourth: We must clearly define the general line of our land reform. That is, we must rely on the poor and hired peasants, mobilize them, and then unite with the middle peasants. Relying on the middle peasants and uniting with the poor and hired peasants is not the correct way to grasp the general line of land reform. Currently, some of our cadres, whenever they hear about mass movements and relying on the poor and hired peasants, believe that land reform will shift to the left and get out of control. As a result, our cadres are very afraid to mobilize the masses and the poor and hired peasants during land reform. Young cadres generally look down on the poor and hired peasants, hoping to rely on the middle peasants, suppress the landlords and poor and hired peasants, and ultimately achieve a peaceful land distribution. This is extremely wrong.

"Fifth: Our land reform must not be carried out in a disjointed manner just for the sake of appearances. We must attack in multiple areas. Such land reform may appear lively and active, but it completely disperses our efforts and is very ineffective. Therefore, my suggestion is that our land reform should develop in waves. First, concentrate our efforts on completing land reform in a few counties, and then expand outward in waves. If we complete five counties in the first month, we can complete ten counties in the second month, and by the third month we can easily complete 20 counties. With such a development of land reform, all provinces will be able to complete land reform within six months.

Chen Tao is experienced.

While pointing out the problems, preparations were made for the next step of work.

So it was just a casual conversation.

He continued, "Of course, when we mobilize and organize the masses, we need to avoid radical behavior. To prevent this, I believe we must formulate certain unbreakable principles. For example, our mass organizations must absolutely not allow indiscriminate beatings and killings. Our masses must not fall into the hands of the lumpen proletariat. These must be established as iron laws, and then our land reform cadres must be organized to study them.

Swipe, swipe, swipe, many people are taking notes.

It’s because Chen Tao said it so well.

After Chen Tao finished speaking, Deng Zhihui said, "Comrade Chen Tao's words make sense. I think we should all go back and think about what Comrade Chen Tao said. We will continue the meeting tomorrow."

Deng Zhihui is not the kind of person who talks tough.

After a day of deliberation and private discussions with Tao Zhu and Du De, he publicly admitted his mistakes on the land reform issue at the Central South Bureau's land reform meeting the next day. He believed that after crossing the Yangtze River, facing the development of the national revolutionary situation and the founding of New China, his thinking became lax, which led to his mistakes in land reform.

They forgot that land reform was a rural revolution, a great anti-feudal rural social revolution.

Delusion of "peaceful division of land".

As a result, the lower-level cadres were misled and the land reform work could not proceed smoothly.

Deng Zhihui is one of the heads of the Central South Bureau.

In particular, due to health reasons, Marshal Lin was only in charge of the overall affairs of the Central South Bureau. Deng Zhihui was in charge of the day-to-day work of the Central South Bureau. Now Deng Zhihui personally admitted his mistakes in the land reform, which actually took courage.

After all, if the mistake is admitted, then the entire Central South Bureau and even the cadres across the country will know about it.

Some might consider Deng Zhihui's willingness to take responsibility for his mistakes a valuable quality. However, in politics, such mistakes can have a significant impact on his political career. Perhaps, whenever problems arise in the future, others will use this incident to criticize Deng Zhihui.

Therefore, Deng Zhihui's public admission of his mistakes still made many cadres admire him very much.

There are so many cadres in the Party who, despite being clearly wrong, refuse to admit it and use all sorts of excuses to justify themselves.

Even Chen Tao has a very good impression of Deng Zhihui.

After Deng Zhihui admitted his mistake, things became much easier. Deng Zhihui, a very experienced rural cadre, reflected on his actions and began to review the problems, analyzing and examining them one by one.

At this time, Deng Zhihui had great respect for Wei Hongjun who was far away in Beijing.

A person's ability is nothing.

This is especially true for politicians. The Communist Party of China (CPC) established the People's Republic of China after more than two decades of arduous struggle. Those who reach the top of the CPC, regardless of their character or Party spirit, are inherently formidable.

During the war years, those who rose to senior positions could not rely solely on seniority. They had to possess matching abilities and achievements. Many senior cadres fell behind during their revolutionary careers due to lack of ability.

Therefore, it is natural for CCP cadres to have strong abilities.

Deng Zhihui admired Wei Hongjun because he had trained such an outstanding rural cadre like Chen Tao. Chen Tao was young, only in his early thirties. This time, he was sent to the South China Branch in a time of crisis.

The first shot was so successful.

Once word spread, Chen Tao, a rural cadre, had firmly established himself within the Central South Bureau and the South China Branch. Once he successfully completed land reform in Guangdong, his future was bound to be promising. Among the rural cadres trained by Wei Hongjun, one, Li Shaocheng, was already in the State Council, a prime candidate for future Minister of Agriculture. Now, another outstanding cadre, Chen Tao, had emerged.

This is why Deng Zhihui has a high opinion of Wei Hongjun.

Putting aside these inner dramas, this Central South Bureau meeting was still very successful.

Deng Zhihui took the lead in reviewing his work, so what could the cadres below do? They all followed suit and eventually formulated a new land reform plan.

Chapter 780 Splitting the Military Region

The Chairman and the Prime Minister's negotiations in the Soviet Union went very smoothly.

Moscow sent telegrams to Beijing almost daily, informing them of the progress of the negotiations. While the negotiations were ongoing, discussions were also held domestically. Although the Chairman and the Prime Minister were in Moscow, they would not make many decisions alone.

Many of the clauses needed to be communicated domestically and approved by the Politburo. Only after the Politburo's approval could the Premier and his colleagues sign them. Of course, the clauses that required the Politburo's approval were crucial elements of the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance.

In addition to the clauses that need to be approved by the Politburo, there are also many things that must be discussed with various domestic departments.

Just like the recent negotiations between General Xu and the Soviet Army regarding the purchase of aircraft from the Soviet Union. Although General Xu is the Chief of the General Staff, he must always be in contact with the Air Force Command in China.

The Soviet Union was very supportive of China's development of its own air force.

Because of the frequent bombings of Shanghai by Nationalist aircraft, China and the Soviet Union reached an agreement. The Soviet Union secretly sent an air defense brigade to Shanghai to help with air defense. The Soviet army had already selected the air defense brigade stationed in Shanghai and gradually entered the Northeast by rail.

Anyway, it's all good news so far.

After Stalin and the Chairman reached an agreement on the grand strategy, the remaining negotiations were all about specific terms. There were some differences, but they did not affect the overall situation, so various terms were passed several times a day.

The Prime Minister was busy with the overall negotiations, but the cadres following the Prime Minister were also very busy.

Li Fuchun, Deputy Director of the Finance and Economics Committee and Minister of Heavy Industry, had come with them to sign an industrial cooperation agreement with the Soviet Union. Almost every day, a new cooperation agreement was reached with the Soviets.

The same is true for Zhou Bin.