Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

After the Chairman finished speaking, central government officials took turns to give their reports. Of course, not everyone could give a report. Those who could give reports at a national conference like this were responsible for their respective areas of work. The Premier gave reports on foreign affairs and the United Front.

The report primarily covers China's diplomatic activities from the founding of the People's Republic of China to the present day. It then discusses the United Front, a topic covered extensively. China's current United Front work extends beyond mainland China, encompassing Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, and overseas Chinese communities. Tan Kah Kee, an old friend of the Communist Party of China, currently serves as Chairman of the Federation of Overseas Chinese Associations.

Then, Chen Yun gave a report on financial affairs, focusing on the situation in January 1949 after the unification of finances. After the unification, waste was significantly reduced, and more materials were allocated than originally planned. As with the price index, the results were striking.

Marshal Nie delivered a report on the work of the Military Commission, outlining the progress of the liberation of various regions in 1949. Wei Hongjun was the fifth to report. His primary focus was not on the work of the State Council or the North China Military Region, but on the national land reform effort. He meticulously reported on the achievements and problems encountered in the land reform effort in 1948.

After Wei Hongjun, Bo Shuchun addressed the national debt plan and tax situation. Within just fifty days, Bo Shuchun was once again in the spotlight. His successful fiscal unification and national debt plan not only brought down prices but also rapidly reduced the fiscal deficit in January.

That's how it is sometimes.

Originally, Bo Shuchun suffered a major political setback in December.

But in less than two months, he once again made everyone recognize his professional ability in the financial field.

Then, Peng Zhen gave a report on the Party's organizational situation and the issues of developing and consolidating the Party's organizational structure. Finally, Gao Gang, Secretary of the Northeast Bureau, gave a report on the "Three Antis" campaign currently underway in the Northeast.

Then, Comrade Xiuyang delivered a report on the preparatory work for the People's Congress system. The Central Committee decided to convene the First National People's Congress in 1952. The meeting then adopted the "Draft Schedule for the First National People's Congress," the "Draft Rules for the First National People's Congress," the "Draft Preparatory Rules for the First National People's Congress," and the "Draft Proposal of the Third Session of the Seventh Central Committee on the Election of the First National People's Congress."

Of course this is a party vote.

Finally, it needs to be approved by the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference.

Then Ren Peiguo made a report on the amendment of the Party Constitution.

The Central Committee members and alternate members attending the meeting voted to approve Ren Peiguo's "Report on the Amendment of the Party Constitution." This revision of the Party Constitution was intended to further strengthen the authority of the Central Committee.

At the same time, the contents discussed and adopted at the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee were formally incorporated into the new Party Constitution. This included three key aspects: First, the formalization of Party meetings, formally establishing a five-year cycle and annual national conferences. The Third Session of the Seventh Central Committee decided to convene the Eighth National Congress in 1952.

Another is the property disclosure system for party members and cadres.

All Party members are obligated to declare their own and their family's assets. These assets must be submitted to the higher-level Party committee and the Organization Committee. After review by the Party committee and the Organization Committee, these assets can be made public within the Party member's unit. Finally, there's the retirement system.

However, the retirement system stipulated in the Party Constitution is an internal Party retirement system. Since Party members and cadres also hold government positions, the retirement system for these government departments needed to be approved by the First National People's Congress. Then, the new Party Constitution adjusted the Party's central organization. This included reinstating the Politburo Standing Committee and reinstating alternate members. Then, personnel adjustments began.

Chapter 797: New Version of Five Horses Entering the Capital

After the Party Constitution was revised, the Chairman, Commander-in-Chief, Wu Hao, Xiu Yang, and Ren Peiguo became members of the Politburo Standing Committee. The Central Committee also established the position of Vice Chairman for the first time, with Commander-in-Chief, Wu Hao, Xiu Yang, Ren Peiguo, Chen Yun, and Nie Shuai serving as Vice Chairmen of the Central Committee. The Central Committee, commonly referred to as the Party Central Committee, served as the highest leading body of the Party when the National Congress of the Communist Party of China was not in session.

Although Chen Yun and Nie Shuai did not become members of the Politburo Standing Committee, they already had one foot in the door of the Standing Committee. Because they both became Vice Chairmen of the Central Committee, they could directly participate in the daily work of the Central Committee.

With Chen Yun and Nie Shuai becoming Vice Chairmen of the Central Committee, the situation in the Executive Yuan will become even more complicated. Just as the local Central Bureaus and regional governments currently hold considerable power, even capable of opposing the central government, the Finance and Economics Committee and the Legal Reform Committee, respectively overseen by Chen Yun and Nie Shuai, will also become semi-independent within the Executive Yuan. It will become difficult for the Prime Minister to interfere in these matters.

This was the biggest problem at the time of the founding of the People's Republic. Each of these founding heroes had their own bases and factions, and one was too powerful. Compared to Chen Yun, Marshal Nie's situation was most obvious. The Political and Legal Committee was originally established by Marshal Nie after he was promoted to the central government. The Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Public Security were both upgraded from the Military Northern Committee, and the Ministry of Civil Affairs was also promoted from the North China Ministry of Public Security. Many of the current leaders and subordinates of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Public Security are former subordinates of Marshal Nie who served in Puchaji for many years.

In addition, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Public Security, which were located in the local areas, had a large number of cadres under them during the major expansion in 1948, including those demobilized from the North China Army and receiving short-term training under the command of Wei Hongjun. Now, Marshal Nie was Vice Chairman of the Central Committee, Deputy Secretary of the Party Group of the State Council, and Vice Premier of the State Council. This made the Political and Legal Affairs Commission like Marshal Nie's personal domain.

Marshal Nie has grown increasingly cautious since his rise from the Jincha Fen position. This is due to the increasingly sensitive nature of his current position. Others may be strong in local factions, far from the capital, or at least less obvious. But Marshal Nie's problem is that he's too powerful within the central government ministries. This isn't a good thing; it makes him an easy target. Therefore, especially at this moment, Marshal Nie is extremely hesitant to overstep his bounds. For veteran Party comrades like Minister of the Interior Xu Juehe, Marshal Nie shows even greater respect than usual. He even avoids interfering in the work of the Ministry of the Interior, fearing accusations of "factionalism."

The reason why the Central Committee did not elect new members to the Politburo Standing Committee this time was because of stability considerations and they did not want to cause unnecessary trouble.

Then there are alternate members of the Politburo.

This was also re-established after the party constitution was revised this time.

In fact, it was prepared for cadres transferred from the local central bureaus and local regions. The central government transferred Gao Gang, secretary of the Northeast Bureau, from the Northeast Bureau; Rao Shushi, secretary of the East China Bureau, from the East China Bureau; Deng Xixian, secretary of the Southwest Bureau, from the Southwest Bureau; and Xi Zhongxun, second secretary of the Western Region Bureau, from the Western Bureau.

The central government has its own rules for adjusting local cadres.

The main purpose is to transfer the leaders of the local factions. As long as the leaders of the local factions are transferred, the strength of the factions will be greatly reduced. Because the new local central bureau secretary cannot convince the people below like the old boss. Needless to say, the Northeast Bureau.

Gao Gang wasn't originally a powerful figure in Northeast China. However, he made significant contributions to land reform and the recovery of the Northeast's industrial economy. Despite later accusations of his extravagant lifestyle, Gao Gang personally traveled to various rural areas during the land reform period. His commitment to practical action garnered a large number of supportive cadres throughout Northeast China.

After the Fourth Field Army moved south and Chen Yun, Peng Zhen, Li Fuchun, and others were promoted to the central government, Gao Gang became the top leader of the party, government, and military in Northeast China, and his power was immense. Furthermore, Gao Gang was extremely active at the previous National Finance and Economics Conference, so the central government decided to promote Gao Gang. They did not want Gao Gang to remain in Northeast China.

After Gao Gang's promotion, the Central Committee appointed Lin Feng as the First Secretary of the Northeast Bureau, Zhang Xiushan as the Second Secretary, Zhang Mingyuan as the First Deputy Secretary, and Xia Houwen as the Second Deputy Secretary. Lin Feng did not have Gao Gang's rank or authority because he was not able to become the top leader of the party, government, and military.

Zhang Xiushan served as Chairman of the Northeast People's Government, Zhang Mingyuan as Vice Chairman, and Li Shiping as Secretary-General. On the military side, He Jinnian served as Acting Commander of the Northeast Military Region, while Lin Feng served as Acting Political Commissar. Xia Houwen served as Second Deputy Political Commissar of the Northeast Military Region, and Zhou Huan served as Third Deputy Political Commissar and Director of the Political Department.

The Central Committee has considered transferring cadres to the Northeast to serve as commander and political commissar of the Northeast Military Region.

After Rao Shushi was promoted from the East China Bureau, Chen Shuai became the first secretary, Tan Zhenlin the second, and Zhan Tong the third. Compared to Rao Shushi, the Central Committee still trusted Chen Shuai and Tan Zhenlin more. However, this was only temporary.

The central government has only held off on promoting Chen Shuai because Shanghai is so important and has only just stabilized. Once Shanghai stabilizes further, Chen Shuai will definitely leave East China.

The Southwest Bureau has seen the biggest changes.

Marshal Liu had already left the Southwest, and this time the Central Committee promoted both Deng Xixian, Secretary of the Southwest Bureau, and He Lao, Commander of the Southwest Military Region, to the Central Committee. However, the Southwest Bureau still had a heavy workload, as it also had to prepare for the liberation of Tibet. Therefore, the Central Committee transferred Peng Lao, Commander of the Southwest Bureau, from the Northwest Bureau to the Southwest Bureau.

He was appointed Secretary of the Southwest Bureau, Commander and Political Commissar of the Southwest Military Region, and given full authority to prepare for the liberation of Tibet. Originally, General Peng should have been included in this promotion. However, many central officials expressed the view that Tibet's liberation required General Peng, and that no one else could do it.

Peng Lao-chi had experience in liberating Xinjiang, which was just right for liberating Tibet. So Peng Lao-chi went to the southwest.

Meanwhile, Xi Zhongxun, the second secretary of the Northwest Bureau, was also promoted to the central government. Ma Mingfang was appointed acting first secretary of the Northwest Bureau, Jia Tuofu was appointed second secretary, and Zuo Quan was appointed third secretary. In the Northwest Military Region, Zuo Quan was appointed acting commander, and Ma Mingfang was appointed acting political commissar. This significantly reduced the Northwest Bureau's deterrent power.

This time, Ma Mingfang, acting as First Secretary of the Northwest Bureau, was only an alternate member of the Central Committee, and her reputation was much lower than that of Xi Zhongxun, also an alternate member of the Central Committee. Therefore, the situation was completely different from when General Peng and Xi Zhongxun were in office.

The only one that was not adjusted this time was the Central South Bureau.

The central government was primarily concerned with the complex situation within the Central South Bureau. While the Central Plains Bureau managed seven provinces, the South China and Southeast China branches operated almost semi-independently. Furthermore, the Central Plains Bureau itself had a complex cadre structure, encompassing officers from the Fourth Field Army, the Second Field Army, and even those from the Third Field Army.

Specifically, there were cadres from the former Central Plains Bureau, cadres from the former East China Bureau, and thousands of troops from the Northeast Bureau who had moved south. The military composition was also complex, including the 14th and 15th Corps of the Fourth Field Army, the 21st Corps of the Fifth Field Army, and troops from the former Second Field Army that remained in Henan and Hubei.

After Marshal Lin's departure, the Central South Bureau needed Deng Zhihui to remain and balance the forces. Deng Zhihui wasn't the ultimate leader within the Central South Bureau, but he was just the right person to balance the forces and keep the work going smoothly. These local leaders had to be appeased when they arrived in Beijing. We couldn't allow these powerful local officials to enter without providing them with a good position. If we did, the central government would lose trust in the localities. How would we manage our relationship with the localities in the future?

Therefore, the new party constitution this time added alternate members of the Politburo to give these princes who came to Beijing a rank within the party.

Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, Lin Shuai, Rao Shushi, He Laozong, Li Fuchun, and Chen Tanqiu were elected as alternate members of the Politburo, and their ranking was based on this list. In other words, any vacant seat on the Politburo would be filled in this order. Currently, the two most vulnerable members of the Politburo are Zhang Wentian and Kang Sheng.

Many cadres understand this.

Although they are currently members of the Politburo, they have been marginalized in China's current political landscape, and it is only a matter of time before they lose their seats on the Politburo. If it weren't for the significant cadre adjustments this time, and the central government's unwillingness to see changes at the Politburo level for the sake of stability, they would have undoubtedly withdrawn from the Politburo.

Therefore, many cadres understood that it was a foregone conclusion that Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian would enter the Politburo.

Barring any major problems, adjustments will undoubtedly be made at the Fourth Session of the Seventh Central Committee a year from now. The same is true for everyone else. With local leaders rising one after another, the expansion of the Politburo is inevitable.

Xi Zhongxun, who was promoted from the Northwest Bureau to the Central Committee, was the lowest-ranking official among the cadres promoted to the Central Committee this time, as he was an alternate member of the Central Committee. Following this promotion, Xi Zhongxun was added as a member of the Central Committee. Giving them Party ranks is not enough.

They also need to be given specific tasks.

General He was already Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission. Upon his arrival in Beijing, he would officially take up his post at the CMC. Marshal Nie had previously been in charge of the CMC's daily operations, but after General He's appointment to the Central Committee, he assumed responsibility for the CMC's daily operations. The Central Committee now had a General Secretary.

Of course, this General Secretary is not the same as the previous Party General Secretary. In the past, the Party General Secretary was the top leader. But now, the highest position in the Party is the Chairman of the Central Committee. The General Secretary is a specially created position responsible for handling the day-to-day work of the Party Central Committee, similar to the Secretary-General of the Party Central Committee.

Gao Gang, who had just been promoted to the central government, was appointed General Secretary of the Central Committee. This was understandable because among the local leaders promoted this time, Gao Gang was the only one who was a member of the Politburo of the Seventh National Congress.

After the restoration of the Politburo Standing Committee, the Secretariat's work began to change. Previously, the Secretariat served as the Party Central Committee, with the five secretaries representing the core leadership. But now that the Politburo Standing Committee has been restored, the Central Committee has become the highest authority, and the Secretariat has become the body responsible for handling the day-to-day affairs of the Central Committee. This has created a new relationship.

The Central Committee is the decision-making body, and the Secretariat is the body that handles affairs.

All submitted documents will first come to the Secretariat. While the Secretariat handles general matters, important matters will be discussed and resolved by the Central Committee. The five secretaries will no longer serve as secretaries of the Secretariat. The Secretariat will select seven secretaries and three alternate secretaries. The seven secretaries are Gao Gang, Wei Hongjun, Peng Zhen, Deng Xixian, Rao Shushi, Xi Zhongxun, and Wang Jiaxiang.

The three alternate secretaries are Deng Zhihui, Tan Zhenlin and Yang Shangkun.

Some of these people have their own jobs, while others are still working in local areas. Therefore, in this reorganized Secretariat, Gao Gang is in overall charge, with Peng Zhen, Deng Xixian, Rao Shushi, and Xi Zhongxun in charge of Secretariat work. Of course, this is also temporary.

Because some of these people will adjust their jobs.

Like Deng Xixian, the Prime Minister wanted to transfer him to work in the State Council.

Following these cadre adjustments, the Central Committee made some further adjustments. Li Yu, formerly Deputy Secretary of the East China Bureau and Secretary of the Shandong Branch, had his status as an alternate member of the Central Committee revoked. The question of Li Yu's fate had already reached the Central Committee's desk. Li Yu had been accused of numerous crimes by both the East China Bureau and the Shandong Branch.

Starting from the "rich peasant line" of land reform, and continuing to the later "localism" and "factionalism". However, among these charges, what led to Li Yu's revocation of his position as alternate member of the Central Committee was mainly the later "localism" and "factionalism". Other problems in his work were not as serious as this charge.

Moreover, this crime has been against Li Yu for a long time. Since the 115th Division entered Shandong during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the 115th Division and the Shandong troops have been unable to achieve unity and integration. At that time, there were many conflicts between the cadres of the 115th Division and the local cadres in Shandong.

Finally, the central government transferred most of the personnel away, leaving Luo Shuai to temporarily solve the problem. Luo Shuai relied on his excellent balancing and management skills to temporarily integrate the entire Shandong Military Region.

Unfortunately, after the end of the Anti-Japanese War, Luo Shuai led his troops to the Northeast. This caused the internal problems in Shandong, which had been maintaining the balance, to erupt again. Furthermore, after the outbreak of the Liberation War, similar problems arose again between the Shandong troops and the New Fourth Army. In Shandong, Li Yu first offended the cadres of the 115th Division, including Luo Shuai, who had gone to the Northeast. His relationship with Li Yu and Wang Shuai was also very poor. Later, during the Liberation War, tensions with the cadres of the New Fourth Army were again strained. Serious conflicts arose between Li Yu and Chen Shuai, Tan Zhenlin, and Zhang Dingcheng.

Although it was later said that the suppression of Li Yu was done by Rao Shushi and Kang Sheng.

Anyway, all the blame can be put on Rao Shushi and Kang Sheng.

However, Kang Sheng had not yet arrived in Shandong when Li Yu was criticized in 47 and 48. The first wave of criticism came from Chen Shuai, Tan Zhenlin, and Zhang Dingcheng. They all believed Li Yu exhibited excessive localism and factionalism. Local Shandong officials, following Li Yu's lead, excluded outsiders. Only later did Rao Shushi and Kang Sheng intervene.

In other words, Kangsheng actually didn't have much involvement.

After the Seventh National Congress, Kang Sheng was ostracized from within the Party and became extremely cautious in his actions. However, in Shandong, Kang Sheng rehabilitated many cadres who had been punished for "factionalism." As for whether Li Yu engaged in "factionalism," there is no doubt about it.

Li Yu later admitted this himself.

Even Shandong cadres once shouted slogans like "Long Live Chairman Li!" This is understandable, as Li Yu was the founder of the Shandong base and held unparalleled prestige in the region. Unfortunately, sometimes success or failure depends on the region's position.

Li Yu's rapid rise in the Party's standing was due to the establishment of the Shandong base and his influence in the Shandong region. Unfortunately, it was also because of this base's poor relations with the 115th Division and New Fourth Army cadres from Central China that he became a target.

With Li Yu's removal from the Central Committee as alternate member, the political careers of a large number of local cadres in Shandong Province were dealt a blow. This was the second round of cadres being punished for "localism," following the Central South Bureau and the South China Branch, which dealt with a number of cadres for "localism." And this wasn't the end of it; two more groups of cadres would be punished for "localism."

At this point, the Third Session of the Seventh Central Committee officially ended.

Chapter 798 Disaster Relief Committee

After the Third Session of the Seventh Central Committee, a meeting of the Central People's Government was held.

The meeting addressed the current restructuring of the nation's administrative regions. Previously, these regions were governed by either a People's Government or a Military and Political Committee. For example, Northeast China and North China were governed by the Northeast People's Government and the North China People's Government, respectively. However, some other regions, such as the Southwest Military and Political Committee and the Northwest Military and Political Committee, were governed by these committees.

This time, the Central People's Government convened a meeting and decided to abolish this administrative division and replace it with an administrative committee.

This changed the situation significantly. The former administrative regions, whether they were government departments or military and political committees, were all one level of government, directly managing the provinces under their jurisdiction. When the Central People's Government had matters to discuss, it couldn't bypass the administrative regions and directly consult with the provincial governments. Just as the governorate couldn't directly consult with the county government, you couldn't ignore the intermediate levels of government. Therefore, when the Central People's Government issued orders, it first addressed the administrative regions, which then passed them on to the provincial governments.

However, after being restructured into the Executive Committee, the committee lost its original government functions. Instead, it became a body dispatched by the Central People's Government to lead and supervise local governments. In reality, it functioned more like a coordination agency, coordinating the work of several provincial governments. Direct, face-to-face communication between the Central People's Government and provincial governments was possible.

After this change, the central government's authority increased greatly.

Now, with the exception of the East China Bureau, the other regional central bureaus no longer have those powerful, powerful leaders who held the top positions in the Party, government, and military. Even after General Peng left for the Southwest Bureau, the situation there became more complicated. General Peng was familiar with many of the cadres there.

Because during the Anti-Japanese War, General Peng's Eighth Route Army Headquarters actually directly commanded the 129th Division to fight. However, these troops were not General Peng's direct troops, and the local cadres were all from the early Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Central Bureau and the Central Plains Bureau. This was very beneficial for the central government to quickly take back power.

In the past, central government ministries and commissions needed to negotiate politely with local central bureaus and provincial governments whenever they wanted to do something. However, with this recent adjustment, central government ministries and commissions can now directly request cooperation from local central bureaus and provincial governments.

Soon, the officials who had arrived in Beijing began to receive new positions. To accommodate these new officials, the Central People's Government agreed to add three more vice premier positions to the State Council. These were Wei Hongjun, Li Fuchun, and Deng Xixian, the newly arrived Secretary of the Southwest Bureau.

Deng Xixian's qualifications are really deep.

A veteran Party member since 1924, he led the Baise Uprising and served as secretary of the Front Committee of the th Red Army. Later, he launched the Longzhou Uprising and served as political commissar of the th Red Army, serving as both political commissar and secretary of the Front Committee of both the th and th Armies. He was also a prominent figurehead of the Yak Clique in the Central Soviet Area. Of the many thousands of cadres who supported Chairman Mao's line, most remained in the Central Soviet Area and ultimately died there. However, Deng Xixian was one of the few cadres who enjoyed the protection of Comrade Wu Hao and was able to accompany the main force on the Long March.

During the Long March, he served as the Secretary-General of the Central Committee and as the Director of the Political Department of the Red 129st Army in Yan'an. After the outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War, he first served as the Deputy Director of the Political Department of the Eighth Route Army, then as the Political Commissar of the th Division, Acting Secretary of the Northern Bureau, Secretary of the Central Bureau of Shanxi, Hebei, Shandong and Henan, Secretary of the Central Plains Bureau, and Secretary of the Southwest Bureau.

Regardless of qualifications or achievements, he is undoubtedly a big shot in the party.

Wei Hongjun didn't have the opportunity to serve as secretary of the local Central Bureau, the North China Bureau, until 1947. However, Deng Xixian had already been secretary of the local Central Bureau and the top leader of the 129th Division during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. If Deng Xixian hadn't been a prominent Maoist figure, his credentials would have easily earned him a seat on the Politburo at the Seventh National Congress.

Since such a prominent figure had given up his position as Secretary of the Southwest Bureau and moved to Beijing, he had to be offered a good position. Therefore, the State Council was preparing to appoint him as Vice Premier. However, the State Council could not simply give Deng Xixian the Vice Premier position. This was because the State Council already had many cadres who had been transferred from the local government to the central government in the past.

For example, Wei Hongjun, Secretary of the North China Bureau, and Li Fuchong, First Deputy Secretary of the Northeast Bureau, both arrived at the Central Committee early on. Furthermore, after arriving at the Central Committee, they became important cadres in the State Council, making significant contributions to its early development and improvement. You can't bypass these cadres just because Deng Xixian arrived in Beijing.

Therefore, the State Council can only improve the ranks and positions of the cadres originally in the State Council.