Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji
Page 660
But now the situation is completely different.
Wei Hongjun, who had just spoken, was already a member of the Politburo, holding an extraordinary position within the Party, far higher than even Marshal Lin. Although Liu Yalou had a bad temper, he wouldn't argue with Wei Hongjun or Deng Guo over such a small matter.
After the meeting, Wei Hongjun prepared to exchange views with the Northeast Military Region.
But at this time, the Central Committee sent a telegram demanding that Wei Hongjun return to Beijing immediately because Kim Il-sung's letter for help had reached the Central Committee.
836 Formation of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army
On September 1950, 9, after receiving the North Korean government's letter requesting assistance, the Chairman convened a meeting of the Central Committee.
Discuss the issue of sending troops to North Korea.
The meeting did not go smoothly. In addition to the Chairman, the meeting also included the Commander-in-Chief, the Prime Minister, Comrade Xiu Yang, Chen Yun, Marshal Nie, five Deputy Secretaries of the Central Committee, and General Secretary Gao Gang, a total of seven people. As a result, everyone was in agreement on sending troops to North Korea.
An opposing attitude, or a hesitant attitude.
Even Gao Gang, who had always been closely following the Chairman, did not think it was appropriate to send troops. Gao Gang's reason was similar to others', all worried that this war would affect the economic development of New China. Of course, another reason was that they were afraid of losing the war after sending troops. This was the most fearful thing.
Fear of things.
Gao Gang is not eligible to vote in the Central Committee.
But his statement was still supported by others, and everyone thought so.
As a result, the issue of sending troops to North Korea was not passed at the Central Committee meeting.
If the issue of sending troops to North Korea is approved by the Central Committee, then the Politburo meeting can be held to pass the proposal of sending troops to North Korea. Currently, there are only 14 members of the Politburo. As long as seven people at the Central Committee meeting agree, there is no need to hold a meeting.
The Politburo meeting decided the matter.
However, the Chairman encountered difficulties at the Central Committee meeting.
The chairman had no choice.
So it was decided to hold an enlarged meeting of the Politburo.
Let's look at the attitudes of the Politburo members and other leaders. This enlarged Politburo meeting included not only the Politburo members but also Secretariat secretaries like Rao Shushi and Xi Zhongxun, as well as important CMC leaders like General He, Marshal Luo, and Yang Quanwu.
However, the Chairman was worried that there would be overwhelming opposition at this enlarged Politburo meeting.
So the Chairman had separate conversations with the Premier, Marshal Nie, and Gao Gang on the evening of the Central Committee meeting. In fact, the Chairman wanted to persuade the Premier, Marshal Nie, and Gao Gang to support the proposal of sending troops to North Korea at the Politburo meeting.
But the effect of private conversation can only be described as average.
The Prime Minister, Marshal Nie, and Gao Gang listened to the Chairman's opinion and were no longer as fiercely opposed as before. However, they did not explicitly support the Chairman's idea. The Chairman knew that he wanted them to directly support the proposal to enter North Korea at the next enlarged meeting of the Politburo.
Is impossible.
So the Chairman waited for Wei Hongjun to return to Beijing.
At this time, the Chairman needed Wei Hongjun to take the lead at the enlarged meeting of the Politburo.
It was under such circumstances that Wei Hongjun attended the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau on September 1950, 9. This time, two important people were missing from the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau: Ren Peiguo, who was recuperating from illness, and General Peng, who was in the southwest.
There were problems this time, and he did not even attend the previous Central Committee meeting.
The Prime Minister first introduced the current situation in North Korea to everyone.
It also expressed the North Korean government's request for assistance.
Let everyone discuss what to do next, whether China should agree to the North Korean government, and whether China should send troops to participate in the war.
Several people who attended the Central Committee did not speak. Dong Biwu said: "We fought for so many years and finally succeeded in the revolution and established the new China. Now the new China has only been established for two and a half years. Since the Opium War, our country has fought for a hundred years.
The war has devastated the entire country. We can say that we are still in need of healing even our own war wounds. Our economy is still in great difficulty. Many people cannot even get enough food and clothing. Moreover, there are still many spies, counter-revolutionaries and bandits in the country who need to be dealt with.
If the Western countries led by the United States were to go to war at this time, it would definitely affect the construction of New China. We have finally reduced military spending and invested more funds in construction. If there is another war, hundreds of thousands or even millions of troops will go abroad to fight, which will cost our country a lot of money.
How much money is needed? How to use the funds needed for economic development? If it is not absolutely necessary, it is better not to go to war.
How difficult life is in New China.
We have finally achieved the current construction situation. If we go to war at this time, it will greatly affect the economic development of New China.
Dong Biwu didn't say anything else.
That is, after spending so much money, can we really defeat the United States?
Peng Zhen was also very worried and said: "The navy and air force of the imperialist countries led by the United States are very powerful. What if they are dissatisfied with our country's participation in the war and provoke them, causing the navy and air force of the US imperialists to attack our coastal areas? The richest places in our country are basically
The US is in the coastal areas. Destroying New China for North Korea would be more trouble than it's worth. Furthermore, the US is an industrial powerhouse, and its military is modern, even equipped with atomic bombs. Compared to them, our military is far behind in weaponry and equipment, especially our navy and air force. If we were to send troops to Korea and suffer a defeat, it would shake the foundations of New China.
In fact, the most important thing is that everyone is afraid of the United States and the US military.
After all, no one would be unfazed by the United States' performance during World War II. Apart from anything else, the United States produced hundreds of thousands of aircraft and over a hundred aircraft carriers during World War II. This kind of industrial strength is undeniable.
What is there in China now?
Not to mention hundreds of thousands of aircraft and more than a hundred aircraft carriers. It is impossible for China to independently produce fighter jets and bombers, let alone aircraft carriers.
This industrial gap is obvious.
Can China fight a war with such an industrial power?
This is the concern of many central government officials at present.
After Dong Biwu and Peng Zhen finished speaking, the atmosphere in the meeting became gloomy again.
Wei Hongjun knew that he could not remain silent at this time, so he stood up and said: "I think we must send troops. First of all, we are neighbors with North Korea. We have fought side by side with many North Korean comrades. We have a relationship forged in blood and fire. So emotionally,
For example, when our neighbors and comrades are in trouble, we cannot stand idly by.
"From a higher level, this Korean War is a war in the Far East between the socialist camp and U.S. imperialism and its running dogs. As a country in the socialist camp, we have the moral obligation to fight for the socialist camp. If U.S. imperialism and its running dogs
If the Korean Peninsula is controlled, the world communist movement will suffer a great setback in the Far East. The setback of the world communist movement will also affect the socialist construction in our country.
These are all about friendship and morality.
But these things are not enough to convince these bigwigs in the party. So Wei Hongjun continued: "Of course, starting from our own country, this war must be fought. We have to fight. Comrade Dong Biwu just said that he was worried that the war would affect our country's socialist construction and that too much financial resources would be used for the war. But Comrade Dong Biwu, have you ever thought about this? The Korean Peninsula is controlled by American imperialism and its running dogs. They have stationed hundreds of thousands or even millions of troops on the Yalu River, and their navy and air force are deployed on a large scale on the Korean Peninsula. What should we do? They can find excuses to provoke conflicts anytime and anywhere, just like the Japanese provoked the Sino-Japanese War, the September 18th Incident, and the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. For To prevent threats from US imperialism and its lackeys, we must deploy millions of troops in Northeast China, along the Yalu River, to confront the enemy and safeguard the Northeast's security. Comrade Dong Biwu, think about this: if this were to happen, how much would the government need to invest annually just to maintain such a large force in Northeast China? Moreover, this kind of standoff wouldn't last a day or two; it would require years of continuous preparedness. By then, my country's military expenditures would remain stubbornly high, and would constitute the largest fiscal expenditure. While this kind of standoff would be a limited burden for the deep-pocketed US imperialists, it would bankrupt New China.
"Let's talk about domestic development. Northeast China is currently my country's largest industrial base and the home of its heavy industry. This situation is unlikely to change anytime soon. But if the Korean Peninsula falls under the control of US imperialism and its lackeys, can we safely develop industry in Northeast China? Northeast China already has a sufficient industrial base, and with a reasonable investment of manpower and capital, its industry could bring enormous benefits to the nation. However, if Northeast China becomes unsafe, then for the sake of the safety of New China's industrial development, we will have no choice but to make significant efforts to relocate Northeast China's industry to other inland provinces. But nowhere else in the country can we find such favorable conditions as Northeast China. Northeast China has the resources, talent, a strong industrial base, and borders the Soviet Union, providing all the necessary infrastructure for industrial development. However, if these industries were to relocate to inland provinces, we would need to invest dozens of times the original amount, and the results might not even be as good as in Northeast China. In other words, if Northeast China cannot guarantee safety, then developing industry would require ten or even dozens of times the original investment. This would seriously impact my country's industrialization process."
"Finally, let's talk about my country's relations with North Korea and the Soviet Union. If the North Korean government loses and retreats to Northeast my country, wanting to establish a government-in-exile there, will China agree or not? If not, how will other countries in the socialist camp view us? If yes, then the North Korean government will establish a government-in-exile in Northeast China. With a North Korean government-in-exile, US imperialism and its running dogs will have ample excuse to threaten Northeast my country. Moreover, if the North Korean government-in-exile is in Northeast China, will the Koreans who settle in Northeast my country be Chinese or citizens of the North Korean government-in-exile?"
"Then there's the Soviet Union. Chairman Mao reached an agreement with the Soviet Union in 48, according to which the Soviet Union would return Dalian, Lushun and other places, as well as some of the privileges of the China-Soviet Railway. But we see the Korean Peninsula being controlled by US imperialism and its running dogs. When their navy and air force are deployed on the Korean Peninsula, our Northeast will become the forefront of the Far East Cold War. In order to counter the powerful US imperialist navy and air force, can we not rely on the Soviet navy and air force? By then, there will be Soviet air force bases all over Northeast China, and the Soviet navy will continue to be stationed in Dalian and Lushun. Is this the result we want?"
Everyone only knows that New China spent a huge amount of money to help the North Korean government fight the war just to preserve the current regime, which is not worth it in any way. And because this war makes the Western countries led by the United States the enemy, it is even more unprofitable.
Since the 1980s and 1990s, many people have argued that the United States was merely interested in resolving the North Korean issue and had no intention of invading China, and that China's deployment of troops to North Korea was completely unnecessary.
But these people don't consider at all what will happen after the Korean Peninsula comes under the control of the United States.
Even if the United States had no intention of invading China, what would it matter? Given the Cold War situation between the socialist camp and Western countries at the time, with hundreds of thousands of UN troops stationed on the Korean Peninsula and on one side of the Yalu River, could Northeast China feel at ease?
Can China turn a blind eye to the hundreds of thousands of troops right in front of it just because the United States has no so-called plan to invade China?
how is this possible.
As the saying goes, don't let others snore on the side of the bed.
When the United States and the Soviet Union compete in the Far East, Northeast China will be the forefront.
What could China do against the US military's powerful navy and air force? In the short term, it would undoubtedly rely on Soviet power to counter them, and Northeast China would then once again become a Soviet sphere of influence. Chairman Mao had finally reached a cooperation agreement with Stalin in 1948, regaining Soviet control of Northeast China. However, if Northeast China became the forefront of the Cold War, China would once again lose significant territorial gains.
Moreover, if this happens, the development of Northeast China will be seriously affected, and China will have to spend a lot of money to maintain troops in Northeast China. After all, if a bandit is right beside you, whether he wants to rob you or not, you must not put down your weapon.
These are all very serious consequences.
In fact, many people in the central government are not ignorant of the consequences of this, but they are afraid of the United States and therefore find various excuses to avoid military conflict with the United States. But now Wei Hongjun has laid all these problems nakedly in front of us.
After the United States takes control of the Korean Peninsula, can China bear the consequences?
"As for what Comrade Peng Zhen just said, that American imperialism is powerful, this is a fact that everyone acknowledges. Compared to the US military, we do have many gaps. In terms of artillery alone, we are far behind the US military. Not to mention the US military's powerful navy and air force. But this does not mean that we have no advantages.
"From a broader perspective, the only thing we haven't liberated is Taiwan. There are no major wars across the country, and there are no powerful military forces around us to contain us. Therefore, we can fully mobilize and concentrate the country's strength to support the Korean War. But the United States is different.
The United States' strategic focus has always been Europe; Europe is the region it values most. The Cold War also focused on Europe, where the United States concentrated its forces against the socialist bloc led by the Soviet Union. Precisely because of this strategic focus, the United States cannot afford to sacrifice Europe for the sake of its all-out war on the Korean Peninsula. This means that in the future, we will focus our full efforts on the Korean Peninsula, but the United States cannot commit all its forces.
“The U.S. has strong industrial strength.
But the United States is not an Asian country after all, and it is separated from Asia by the Pacific Ocean. After the war breaks out, it will be a big test for their logistics. The United States is a capitalist country, and for those big capitalists, they will consider more
Costs and benefits: As long as they feel that the returns from investing in North Korea are insufficient, they will not continue to invest more money in North Korea.
"From a military perspective, the Korean Peninsula is mostly mountainous and hilly, which will limit the effectiveness of the US military's mechanized forces. However, our troops are familiar with this terrain and are used to fighting in such places. As long as we use our strategies and tactics properly, we can ultimately defeat the enemy and force them to the negotiating table.
Wei Hongjun did not say anything more about military aspects.
But Wei Hongjun basically expressed his views. One is that the consequences of not entering North Korea and losing North Korea would be very serious. The other is that although the United States is powerful, it also has its disadvantages on the Korean Peninsula, so the Chinese army can win if it enters North Korea. Wei Hongjun put forward all the aspects.
After listening to Wei Hongjun's words, the Premier spoke: "China and North Korea are like lips and teeth, and if one is missing, the other will be cold. If North Korea is overwhelmed by US imperialism, our Northeast will be in turmoil. Most of our heavy industry is in the Northeast, and half of the Northeast's industry is in the south, all within the range of enemy bombing. If the US imperialists attack the Yalu River, how can we stabilize our production?"
The Prime Minister supports sending troops, but he will not be as direct as Wei Hongjun.
That's why the Chairman said historically that at the enlarged Politburo meeting, only one and a half supported sending troops: one was the Chairman himself, and the other half was the Premier.
Marshal Nie also spoke: "Since the outbreak of the Korean War, domestic spy activities have increased exponentially. In the past three months, spies have assassinated our cadres, sabotaged our production, bombed our factories, and contacted many wavering people in our country, all of which have greatly affected our country's economic development. This was when the situation of the Korean People's Army was very good. Since the enemy troops landed in Inchon, the domestic security situation has taken a sharp turn for the worse. Taiwan has been constantly airdropping spies and small forces. If US imperialism really controls the Korean Peninsula, it will encourage the Kuomintang reactionaries who have fled to Taiwan to continue harassing our country. It will also make those capitalists and landlords in our country begin to fantasize about Chiang Kai-shek returning to China with the help of US imperialism. This will make the country never peaceful."
Marshal Nie's words were also more tactful, but his meaning was very clear.
It supports the army entering North Korea.
"I think what Comrade Nie Rongzhen said is very reasonable. If the Korean Peninsula fails, it will be a major setback for the Asian communist movement and the socialist revolution. After the United States has tasted the benefits on the Korean Peninsula, the next step will be Vietnam and other Indochina Peninsulas. If we watch the Korean Peninsula fall and do nothing, then the countries around us will look down on us. We have territorial disputes with many countries in Southeast Asia. They will think we are weak and will definitely make further demands on territorial issues, which will result in us being surrounded by enemies. Including the Soviet Union will think that our country is not worthy of support because our country has not been able to help the Soviet Union stabilize the situation in the Far East. In this way, it will become increasingly difficult for us to seek assistance from the Soviet Union in the future. However, my country's industrialization currently cannot be separated from the support of the Soviet Union.
Wei Hongjun expressed his views again.
The consequences of the Korean Peninsula falling under US control would be severe. If China did not send troops, its reputation within the socialist camp would be tarnished, and even the Soviet Union would look down on it. Stalin's previous support for China was based on the hope that China would shoulder the banner of the Far East and help stabilize the Soviet Union. Failure to do so would significantly diminish China's weight in the Soviet Union's esteem. Similarly, the Asian communist movement would suffer a setback, and the situation in Vietnam would become precarious.
If the United States had taken over the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam in succession, the entire Asian communist movement would never have been able to develop.
With the support of European and American countries, China's southern territory will definitely not be at peace.
The Chairman said, "Comrade Hongjun is right. One blow is better than a hundred. If we become cowards on the Korean Peninsula issue, no neighboring countries or forces will take us seriously. By then, we will be enemies on all sides. On the contrary, if we can stop U.S. imperialism on the Korean Peninsula and defeat it, then neighboring countries and forces will have to think about whether they can afford to offend us."
As the Chairman, the Premier, Marshal Nie and Wei Hongjun all supported sending troops, new voices began to emerge in the meeting.
General He and Yang Quanwu, on behalf of the Military Commission, said that this battle could be fought.
Later, Gao Gang and Deng Xixian both expressed support for sending troops, and gradually the attitudes of the Commander-in-Chief, Comrade Xiu Yang, and Chen Yun also changed. The meeting lasted from morning to afternoon, and ultimately the decision was made to send troops and form the Chinese People's Volunteer Army, with the slogan "Resist the U.S. and aid Korea, defend our homeland."
It was decided to change the Border Defense Army Command to the Chinese People's Volunteer Army Command, with Wei Hongjun serving as Commander and Political Commissar of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army. The Premier also went to Moscow again to negotiate with Stalin.
At the same time, it was decided to transfer General Peng from the southwest back to Beijing.
After General Peng returned to Beijing, he and General He took charge of the daily work of the Military Commission. This was also a precautionary measure. If the war on the front lines went badly, General Peng could be ready to go into battle at any time.
After the meeting, the Chairman spoke with Wei Hongjun alone again. When Wei Hongjun arrived, there was a young man beside the Chairman. Wei Hongjun knew this was the Chairman's eldest son. The Chairman introduced the two men and then told Wei Hongjun to let his eldest son go to North Korea.
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