Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Whether it's the Organization Department or some other departments, their biggest complaint about the Organization Committee is that it has a Personnel Bureau under it. Previously, each department had its own Personnel Bureau, but now that it's managed by the Organization Committee, every department has to look to the Personnel Bureau for its approval.

So everyone wants the Personnel Bureau to be independent.

Without the support of the Organization Committee, the Personnel Bureau is just a Personnel Bureau.

The Compilation Committee's power was so immense that even the Secretariat began to interfere. However, everyone was wary of Wei Hongjun, so they didn't dare to confront him directly. If someone else were currently the director of the National Compilation Committee, someone would have already begun to target it. However, Wei Hongjun genuinely had no intention of turning the Compilation Committee into a massive, powerful organization, thereby consolidating his power and threatening other departments.

Wei Hongjun doesn't need to do those things now, because what he needs now is time to settle down and make achievements, rather than starting to "struggle for power" in the central government right now.

Besides, the National Compilation Committee was only a special department established under special circumstances and was not supposed to exist permanently. So Wei Hongjun asked, "What are your opinions, comrades?"

Wei Hongjun didn't care, but he also had to consider the opinions of his subordinates. After all, if the National Compilation Committee was split up, it would affect them. An Ziwen said, "Secretary Wei, I agree with splitting up the National Compilation Committee. The National Compilation Committee does affect the work of other departments."

"I agree too."

Yang Xiufeng also nodded.

Wei Hongjun didn't expect them to be so "open-minded".

In this case, Wei Hongjun didn't want to dither and said directly: "Then split the National Organization Committee. Let me tell you my opinion. Organization is very important. We have all experienced the Anti-Japanese War and the War of Liberation. Whether it is the government agencies or the local governments, if they relax a little, the personnel will swell. That's why the central government has carried out several rounds of streamlining. Therefore, we must firmly control the organization and cannot arbitrarily open up the organization. Therefore, even if the Organization Committee is split, the organization work will still be the top priority."

"Comrades Zhang Dingcheng, An Ziwen, Yang Xiufeng, and Zhao Han, the four of you will first draft a report on splitting up the National Organization Committee. After I review it, I will submit it to the State Council and the Secretariat."

870 veto

Wei Hongjun wasn't particularly concerned about the splitting of the National Compilation Committee. He didn't have the energy or time to devote to such matters. If he were to manage everything, then what would deputy directors like Zhang Dingcheng do?

After the split, the most difficult thing is cadre arrangement.

Because no one knows which department will have the best prospects after the split, many officials will inevitably move to the best department. This includes senior officials like Zhang Dingcheng from the National Organization Committee. Their placement will also be a problem because they are too senior.

Of course, although Wei Hongjun had just returned, he had a rough idea of ​​where they were going.

Take An Ziwen, for example. He was a cadre nominated by Peng Zhen and was to move to the Organization Department. Peng Zhen was currently Secretary of the Secretariat and Head of the Organization Department, responsible for internal Party organizational work. But now Peng Zhen was in a dilemma.

After Gao Gang took over the Secretariat, he led Rao Shushi to monitor the Organization Department and Xi Zhongxun to reform the Propaganda Department. Rao Shushi has been picking on issues in the Organization Department recently.

Although those problems do exist, Rao Shushi likes to make a big deal out of small things.

Just like the problems with the Tianjin Organization Department. Peng Zhen believed that the Tianjin Organization Department was simply too eager to expand its Party organization, and therefore did not conduct strict audits. However, after Rao Shushi became aware of this issue, he pursued the Tianjin Organization Department relentlessly.

Finally, the Central Organization Department was criticized for having problems with its approach to party organization development and for not strictly controlling party membership.

This made Peng Zhen very embarrassed during this period.

So Peng Zhen planned to bring An Ziwen to the Organization Department. An Ziwen had a long history, having been a Party member since 1927. During the Liberation War, he served as Deputy Minister of the Organization Department of the Central Committee and Director of the Cadre Division, overseeing the work of the Organization Department during that period.

An Ziwen spent many years at the Party School and, after the founding of the People's Republic of China, joined the National Organization Committee and participated in cadre grading. Thus, An Ziwen can be described as a "living cadre archive," with a very detailed understanding of the resumes of many cadres.

Given An Ziwen's resume, the Central Committee would not object as long as Peng Zhen gave a report on his performance.

As for whether Zhang Dingcheng should remain at the National Organization Committee or move to the Personnel Bureau, Wei Hongjun will discuss this with Zhang Dingcheng later. Wei Hongjun's opinion is that Zhang Dingcheng should be appointed director of the Personnel Bureau, with Zhao Han as deputy director. Yang Xiufeng should remain at the National Organization Committee as director.

Although Wei Hongjun and Yang Xiufeng both came from the North China Bureau, they didn't have much of a personal relationship. Yang Xiufeng, on the other hand, was more familiar with and close to Peng Zhen and Lin Feng. But Wei Hongjun wouldn't let this lead to a separation of interest between them. In his current position, if he emphasized factionalism too much, he'd be unable to carry out much of his work.

Wei Hongjun was certain of Yang Xiufeng's work ability. Responsible for formulating the staffing schedules for various departments nationwide, and handling the many trivial matters in his position as Secretary-General, Yang Xiufeng handled them with ease. After the National Staffing Committee meeting, Wei Hongjun immediately turned his attention to the Rural Work Committee. He carefully reviewed the Rural Work Committee's recent work reports. As expected, new things often present various problems.

Mutual aid groups and cooperatives have been plagued by numerous problems in various regions, leading Deng Zhihui to suggest that the Central South Bureau wants to temporarily halt their development. However, Deng Xixian believes the problems with mutual aid groups stem primarily from a lack of experience and the blind implementation of policies by many officials.

For areas with problems, adjustments can be made, including the education of cadres, but mutual aid groups must be maintained.

It must be carried out.

Wei Hongjun was quite satisfied with Deng Xixian's attitude. Mutual aid groups were the inevitable path forward for rural China at this stage. Rural China was short on money and production materials, so agricultural development could only be achieved through the centralization of these resources.

As for further development into cooperatives, they are more closely knit production units.

The cooperative model is very necessary in the early stages of industrialization as long as it does not follow the "communist wind of one leveling and two adjustments", does not confuse means of production and means of subsistence, and protects farmers' personal means of subsistence.

As for the future direction of the cooperative, Wei Hongjun still needs to continue researching and exploring.

So, just because Deng Xixian insisted on the mutual aid group, Wei Hongjun was very satisfied with his work in the Rural Work Committee. However, there was still a more important issue, so Wei Hongjun convened a standing meeting on rural work.

Because Deng Zhihui was in the Central South Bureau, only Deng Xixian, Xi Zhongxun, and Li Shaocheng attended the meeting. "What do you think of the plan submitted by the Central South Bureau for the South China Reclamation Administration?"

The rubber battle.

Since 1948, the central government has always attached great importance to the development of the rubber industry. Wei Hongjun is no exception.

The plan submitted by the South China Reclamation Bureau to the Rural Work Committee through the Central South Bureau was a major rubber campaign. Marshal Ye, the first director of the South China Reclamation Bureau, proposed that within two years, by the end of February 1953, 2 million mu (approximately 420 million hectares) of land be reclaimed in Guangdong and Guangxi, eventually expanding to 800 million mu (approximately 700 million hectares) and planting 1954 million mu (approximately 10 million hectares) of Brazilian and Indian rubber. The goal was to complete this by 10, with the goal of achieving an annual rubber production of tons in Guangdong and Guangxi (excluding Hainan) within years.

As long as the Rural Work Committee approves it, it can be submitted to the Central People's Government for discussion.

If approved by the Central People's Government, this will become an important task for the South China Reclamation Administration in the next few years.

"Secretary Wei, this report from the South China Reclamation Administration is based on the supplementary rubber agreement we signed with the Soviet Union after the outbreak of the Korean War. According to the Sino-Soviet rubber supplementary agreement, the Soviet Union will help China develop the rubber industry in South China, aiming to produce 1963 tons of rubber by 20. Furthermore, the Soviet Union requires that my country repay 1956 to 1.5 tons of rubber annually starting in 2 to offset the loan."

The Sino-Soviet Rubber Agreement, whose full name is "Agreement between the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on Assisting the People's Republic of China in Rubber Planting, Tapping, Processing and Selling Rubber to the Soviet Union."

As early as 1947, when Premier Li Keqiang visited the Soviet Union, China and the Soviet Union signed a memorandum of understanding on this cooperation. When Chairman Mao Zedong visited the Soviet Union in 1948, the two sides formally signed the agreement. However, when the Korean War broke out in 1950, the United States began a blockade of Chinese supplies, and of course, also of the socialist countries led by the Soviet Union.

This includes rubber.

Of course, the Soviet Union did have other channels to purchase rubber. However, under the US blockade, rubber purchased from these channels was extremely expensive, several times the market price. The Soviet Union itself was short of foreign exchange and could not afford such expensive rubber.

The Soviet Union was very worried.

I am afraid that the global rubber market will be like this in the future.

So he thought of China and signed a "Supplementary Rubber Agreement" with China, requiring China to plant rubber on a large scale to meet the needs of the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries in the future.

In order to encourage China to plant rubber on a large scale, the Soviet Union agreed to provide China with a loan of 1 million rubles, all of which were exchanged for various agricultural machinery to help China reclaim wasteland in South China and build mechanized rubber plantations.

The Central South Bureau also made this plan based on this agreement.

Li Shaocheng was worried that Wei Hongjun didn't understand these things, so he quickly explained them to Wei Hongjun.

"Everyone has read the report submitted by the South China Reclamation Bureau. Do you think it's possible to reclaim 700 million mu of land and plant Brazilian and Indian rubber within three years?"

"It should be no problem."

Xi Zhongxun said: "I just came back from Guangdong. When I was in Guangdong, I also met with the leaders of the South China Reclamation Bureau. They said that as long as the Rural Work Committee approved,

With the approval of the Central People's Government and the State Council, they could mobilize 1952 people to participate in the campaign in 40. Combined with the agricultural machinery purchased from the Soviet Union, they expressed absolute confidence in completing the 700 million mu (approximately acres) target.

Xi Zhongxun went to Guangdong on behalf of the Propaganda Department.

Because Gao Gang was targeting clan power in Guangdong, he needed to publish propaganda. Xi Zhongxun, as Minister of Propaganda, personally visited Guangdong to investigate. But Xi Zhongxun wasn't just Minister of Propaganda; he was also Secretary of the Secretariat and a member of the Standing Committee of the Rural Work Committee.

So there are some other things to deal with as well.

Apparently, the South China Reclamation Bureau also hoped Xi Zhongxun would vote in favor of their proposal, so they specifically sought him out for a discussion. "Comrade Deng Xixian, what do you think?"

Since the South China Reclamation Bureau has such a plan, reclaiming 700 million mu of land should be no problem. After all, with so many people mobilized and agricultural machinery provided by the Soviet Union, I heard that the Central South Military Region will also directly convert troops into production corps. By then, the number of people participating in the campaign may exceed 50.

Wei Hongjun looked at Li Shaocheng, but before he could say anything, Wei Hongjun said, "That's not what I'm asking. As long as there are enough people and machines, then reclaiming wasteland, not to mention 700 million mu, even 1000 million mu will not be a problem. During the Anti-Japanese War, our Eighth Column only controlled a few counties, and we were able to reclaim more than 700 mu a year. The areas controlled by the South China Reclamation Bureau had far more resources than we did at that time. Reclaiming 700 million mu in two or three years is not that difficult. What I'm asking is, can all million mu of Brazilian rubber and Indian rubber be planted? And if so many rubber trees are planted, can all of them survive and can the yield be guaranteed?"

Wei Hongjun was a little angry.

What are Deng Xixian and Xi Zhongxun up to? Are reclaiming wasteland and planting rubber trees the same thing?

Even if they weren't planting rubber but crops, the reclaimed wasteland would still require two or three years of maintenance before it could truly produce sufficient yields. Although Wei Hongjun didn't understand rubber cultivation, he saw problems with the South China Reclamation Bureau's plan.

700 million mu, what kind of concept is this?

Besides, does China have enough experience in planting rubber trees? Does it have enough experience in developing rubber plantations on a large scale?

Not to mention China, even the rubber experts sent by the Soviet Union had no experience. They had never planted rubber on such a large scale. In fact, many of the experts sent by the Soviet Union had never seen a real rubber plantation.

Under such technical guidance, planting 700 million mu of rubber trees is completely unrealistic. What if something goes wrong?

The South China Reclamation Bureau also wanted to requisition hundreds of thousands of people and assign them worker positions. However, if this became a major problem and the rubber production campaign faltered, how would they support so many workers? The only option was to lay them off.

What will the laid-off workers think then? Are you kidding me?

The credibility of the party and the government has been lost.

Li Shaocheng scratched his head. He had clearly explained to Wei Hongjun tactfully that the plan formulated under the Sino-Soviet Rubber Supplementary Agreement involved more than just the South China Reclamation Bureau. It was supported by both the Central People's Government and the State Council.

Otherwise, the South China Reclamation Bureau would not have submitted such a plan.

Even the Chairman agreed, which is why the "Supplementary Rubber Agreement" was signed with the Soviet Union.

It was just that Wei Hongjun was in North Korea at the time, so he was not aware of this matter. Although Wei Hongjun had been back for some time, he had a lot of information to look at and had not had time to carefully examine the ins and outs of this matter.

Li Shaocheng was worried that Wei Hongjun didn't know these things, so he told Wei Hongjun as soon as possible. But Wei Hongjun obviously didn't listen.

Deng Xixian and Xi Zhongxun were so euphemistic, avoiding direct responses, that it's the prevailing trend. Rubber planting has even become a political imperative for the socialist camp to break free from U.S. imperialism.

"Secretary Wei, this matter..." Li Shaocheng wanted to persuade Wei Hongjun.

This is something the higher-ups all support, so why would you step up and speak out? Just sign and approve it, then hand it over to the Central People's Government and the State Council for processing. Anyway, if anything goes wrong, Wei Hongjun won't be held responsible.

"Comrade Shaocheng, please wait a moment. I want to hear everyone's true thoughts. I have carefully studied this plan. The South China Reclamation Bureau's plan not only requires a loan of 500 million rubles from the Soviet Union, but also an investment of million yuan (in New Renminbi) from the government. Comrades, this is million yuan. With this million yuan, we can build a large-scale steel joint venture with an output of million tons. With so much money, if anything happens, the losses caused will be irreparable. We must review this plan with an attitude of responsibility to the Party and the people."

Wei Hongjun couldn't help but feel nervous. If such a large project failed, not only would he owe the Soviet Union 100 million rubles, but his investment of hundreds of millions of RMB might also be wasted.

If Wei Hongjun is not responsible for this matter, he will not interfere.

But since Wei Hongjun is now the head of the Rural Work Committee, he absolutely cannot allow such a thing to happen.

Although Deng Xixian and Xi Zhongxun had been promoted to the Central Committee for two years, they had not worked directly with Wei Hongjun for a long time. They only truly worked together after the establishment of the Rural Work Committee at the Fourth Session of the Seventh Central Committee.

However, within a few days, Wei Hongjun began to be busy with the North Korean issue.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun's style was still unclear. After hearing Wei Hongjun's words, Xi Zhongxun finally spoke: "There are some problems. Not only Soviet experts, but many of our own experts are not very familiar with the cultivation of Brazilian and Indian rubber. However, for the sake of the socialist camp's grand strategy for natural rubber, everyone is currently very enthusiastic."

Xi Zhongxun couldn't judge either.

Because he doesn't know much about rubber planting.

I just felt there were some issues. Of course, I didn't have a deep understanding of it, because although he was a standing member of the Rural Work Committee, his work focus was in the Propaganda Department. The same was true for Deng Xixian; his work focus was on the Planning Commission.

Rubber planting was approved by the Finance and Economics Committee on behalf of the State Council. They didn't understand it well, so they didn't raise any opinions.

But it was obvious that Wei Hongjun had a different opinion. Wei Hongjun looked at Li Shaocheng and said, "Comrade Shaocheng, you are the Minister of Agriculture. Don't you have any understanding of these things?" Wei Hongjun looked at Li Shaocheng.

Compared with Deng Xixian and Xi Zhongxun, Li Shaocheng's main job is the Ministry of Agriculture.

At this time, Wei Hongjun believed that the current composition of the Rural Work Committee was problematic. Deng Xixian and Xi Zhongxun both had their own jobs and could not focus their attention on the Rural Work Committee.

Just like this time, they just go with the flow. This will delay the work.

It seems that a group of cadres still need to be transferred to the Rural Work Committee.

Li Shaocheng looked at Wei Hongjun and noticed his expression was already grim. He swallowed his words of persuasion and said, "Secretary Wei, you're also from a farming background. You've personally farmed and overseen rural affairs. Let me use crops as an example. You should understand that growing any crop is no simple task. They depend on the climate, the soil, pest control, and how to maximize yields—all these are specialized issues. my country has a history of grain cultivation spanning thousands of years, with many farmers gradually accumulating experience to develop current planting methods. I don't understand the technology behind rubber cultivation, but I have read about its history in China. Rubber has been introduced to China for some years, but it hasn't been widely cultivated. One reason is that the climate and soil in many parts of the country aren't suitable for rubber cultivation. What we should do is first cultivate some rubber seeds suitable for cultivation in South China, starting with small-scale cultivation and gradually expanding to ensure quality and yield. If we don't prepare at all and simply reclaim wasteland and plant rubber trees on a large scale without considering the trees' habits, any problems that arise will be significant."

"Since you have such a judgment, didn't you report it to the Prime Minister or Comrade Chen Yun?"