Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Chinese technical experts cannot bear such responsibility.

It is definitely the decision makers who bear the responsibility.

So it's an easy trade-off.

"This matter should be taken seriously. We should learn from Soviet experts, but we cannot blindly follow them. Comrade Le Tianyu and his colleagues have very good opinions. We should send a telegram to Comrade Deng Zhihui and Comrade Ye Jianying to remind them of this matter."

The Chairman also felt the problem.

The rubber war is a major strategic move by the central government, and this kind of problem cannot occur.

It would have been wise to let Ye Shuai, who was familiar with Deng Zhihui in the Central South Bureau and was Director of the South China Reclamation Bureau, intervene. We can't just go after the acreage without planning just because we want to plant rubber.

Seeing the Chairman's attitude, Wei Hongjun understood that the time had come, so he said, "Chairman, the Rural Work Committee has just received the rubber planting plan submitted by the South China Reclamation Bureau. According to the South China Reclamation Bureau's plan, by 1954, they will plant approximately 700 million to 800 million mu of Brazilian and Indian rubber. However, with so many problems currently arising from the rubber campaign, such a goal is completely unrealistic."

If this plan is approved, large-scale land reclamation and rubber tree planting will inevitably follow. The authorities will no longer care about whether the land is suitable for rubber cultivation or the future yield of rubber trees. To fulfill the plan, they will simply reclaim land and plant rubber trees. However, the Soviet experts currently have no experience in rubber cultivation, and our technical staff are limited, and they also have no experience in large-scale rubber cultivation. If this blind implementation continues, the end result will be a complete mess. It is very likely that most of the rubber plantations planted during the Rubber Campaign will ultimately yield little, wasting a huge amount of manpower and resources.

Le Tianyu's report was intended to tell the Chairman how chaotic the current rubber planting situation is and that rubber planting is more difficult than imagined.

Especially when it comes to large-scale rubber planting, there is no experience from top to bottom.

Then Wei Hongjun got to the point. He told the Chairman that such a large-scale plan for the South China Reclamation Bureau was impossible to succeed and would only end in a mess. The Chairman frowned, for he had listened to Wei Hongjun's advice.

The Chairman lit a cigarette and thought for a long moment before saying, "We're generally at a disadvantage in the 'rubber agreement' with the Soviet Union. But some losses have to be borne. This isn't just about the Soviet Union's needs; it's also about the grand strategy of the entire socialist camp. We have to consider the overall situation. This plan is indeed unrealistic, but if we want to fulfill the contract with the Soviet Union, the rubber plantation area cannot be too small. Do you think we should reduce it—by one or two million mu, and draw more technicians from all over the country to participate in the rubber campaign?"

The Chairman also agreed with Wei Hongjun's words that there are many problems in the current rubber battle.

But this was a major issue for the socialist camp. The socialist camp needed to control rubber itself to avoid being threatened by US imperialism. This was a fundamental imperative. Furthermore, the "Supplementary Rubber Agreement" signed with the Soviet Union put considerable pressure on the central government. After all, 1956 was only five years away. Five years later, China would have to provide the Soviet Union with 5 to 5 tons of natural rubber—no easy task.

But the Chairman also knew that this was a rather drastic step. That's why he consulted with Wei Hongjun. After all, Wei Hongjun would ultimately be in charge of the rubber campaign at the Central Committee level. If Wei Hongjun firmly objected, then either he would no longer be in charge of the rubber campaign, or the campaign would be modified to suit his wishes.

But the Chairman did not want this situation to happen.

That's why I discussed it with Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun immediately said, "Chairman, with our current strength, even planting one million acres within two or three years would be a huge burden, let alone reducing one or two million acres."

"Comrade Red Army, aren't you being too conservative?"

The Chairman did not expect Wei Hongjun to sound so pessimistic.

The South China Reclamation Bureau said that planting 1954 to 700 million mu of land before 800 was indeed an overreach, but Wei Hongjun was too conservative. He even said that planting one million mu in two or three years would be difficult.

Wei Hongjun shook his head and said, "Chairman, we've been farming for thousands of years, so as long as we reclaim land, we can grow grain. But over the past few decades, rubber planting hasn't been very successful anywhere except Hainan. This is because we haven't mastered the technology. In the three years since liberation, our technicians have accumulated a certain amount of technical experience and planting skills. But large-scale planting is new to us. So we'll take it step by step. Planting one million acres in two or three years is already our limit. We should plant one million acres first, identify and solve problems, and summarize our experience in the process. Once we're prepared, we can expand the scale a second and third time. Blindly planting millions of acres will result in most of them failing. It's better to reduce the planted area from the beginning, accumulate experience, and save costs. Besides, I don't think we have to worry about the 'Rubber Agreement' we signed with the Soviet Union."

"Oh?"

The Chairman looked at Wei Hongjun.

After the signing of the "Rubber Supplementary Agreement", many central leaders were depressed.

After all, this wasn't a good thing for China. The agreement was practically forced through. Although China had been engaged in rubber production campaigns since its founding, it had never envisioned planting rubber on such a large scale in such a short period of time.

And the task is so tight.

To meet the Soviet Union's desired figure, they would have to sell everything they had. Under the current circumstances, even a 100 million yuan budget would be a real life-or-death struggle. Unexpectedly, Wei Hongjun said there was no need to worry about the agreement.

Wei Hongjun submitted his own analysis report on the world rubber market to the Chairman.

It detailed the changes in the global natural rubber market over the years. Then, he said, "Chairman, the Soviet Union wants us to use 20 tons of natural rubber to offset the million ruble loan. Based on the current global market price of natural rubber, this contract inherently benefits the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the Soviet Union's inability to purchase natural rubber from the global market makes this agreement even more advantageous. However, the current rise in global natural rubber prices is due to the Korean War. War is the driving force behind the continuous rise in natural rubber prices. However, the Korean War cannot continue for long. If the United States cannot achieve military victory in a third conflict with us, they will inevitably seek a genuine ceasefire negotiation with us. Once the Korean War ends, the price of natural rubber will inevitably fall back to normal."

"Furthermore, during the war, the United States could force the world market to blockade the socialist countries led by the Soviet Union, preventing natural rubber from entering the Soviet Union and socialist countries. This is because natural rubber is a strategic military material. However, once the war is over, the price of natural rubber will drop, and its importance will also decline. At that time, the United States will not be able to block the sale of natural rubber to the Soviet Union. After all, those natural rubber merchants also need to make a living. After the war, natural rubber will inevitably be in oversupply, and those natural rubber merchants will come to the Soviet Union without the Soviet Union having to intervene."

"By that time, the Soviet Union could buy 500 million to 600 thousand tons of natural rubber, or even more, with 100 million rubles. The rubber agreement signed between the Soviet Union and us would be a serious disadvantage for the Soviet Union. Even if we didn't have enough natural rubber ourselves, we could buy it from the world market and then give it to the Soviet Union."

"Faced with such a disadvantageous situation, how could the Soviet Union continue to maintain the Banana Agreement? They will definitely discuss with us and abolish the Rubber Agreement. So there is no need to worry about this issue at all." The Chairman listened to Wei Hongjun's words while looking at the report he submitted. After a while, he said to Wei Hongjun, "So what do you think we should do now?"

"Chairman, please take a look at the report written by Comrade Mao Zemin and the comrades from the Ministry of Foreign Trade."

Wei Hongjun handed Mao Zemin's report to the Chairman again.

This was Wei Hongjun's fourth report. To convince the Chairman, he had prepared a vast array of documents: a report from the Ministry of Forestry, a report from Le Tianyu, Wei Hongjun's own report, and reports from Mao Zemin and the Ministry of Foreign Trade.

All to convince the Chairman. The Chairman read it carefully.

This report charts coffee demand in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. It includes information on coffee prices, sales volume, and imports in various countries. It also includes information on how much coffee beans could be produced per acre of land planted in China. It also details the market prospects for annual coffee bean exports in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Mao Zemin and the Ministry of Foreign Trade clearly documented the report, which contains remarkably detailed data.

Mao Zemin concluded his report by stating that neither the Soviet Union nor the socialist countries of Eastern Europe had the conditions to grow coffee. Currently, the only country capable of supplying coffee to socialist countries was China. China should become the provider of coffee to socialist countries.

Of course this is just a slogan.

The Chairman was drawn to Mao Zemin's analysis of the future coffee market prospects in the Soviet Union and Eastern European socialist countries, believing that annual exports could reach 200 to 300 million rubles.

Even if the people of the Soviet Union and Eastern European socialist countries become fond of drinking coffee, the export volume will increase.

This is what impressed the Chairman.

When doing business with the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, it is generally difficult to obtain currency directly.

Because trade between socialist countries is essentially bookkeeping, with final settlements made on a consolidated basis, China need not be afraid, as it currently holds the lion's share of debt. This is primarily due to the high cost of importing machinery and equipment. Previously, China could only repay its debts by exporting agricultural products and minerals. Being able to repay its debts by exporting coffee would be a positive development.

Moreover, it will be very beneficial for China to continue to purchase machinery and equipment from the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries and invest in the development of heavy industry.

"You want to plant coffee trees in Yunnan?"

"That's just one approach. Soviet experts are now stationed at the South China Reclamation Bureau, and their purpose is to urge us to expand the area of ​​rubber cultivation as much as possible. We can show them that we've reclaimed a large area of ​​land in Yunnan, which will reassure them. At the same time, we can reduce the reclamation efforts of the South China Reclamation Bureau. The South China Reclamation Bureau can't just plant natural rubber. Instead, it should focus on planting rubber while also developing a mixed development of various tropical crops."

The chairman looked at the four reports in his hands.

Then he asked, "So the Rural Work Committee did not approve the report of the South China Reclamation Bureau?"

"Yes. There's a 100 million ruble loan and another 100 million RMB invested. I can't stand by and watch the South China Reclamation Bureau waste so much money. So much money can't really do much. The national finances are so tight right now, and every penny needs to be carefully calculated. Blindly planting rubber without a plan will only lead to heavy losses. So much money invested, and most of it will go down the drain. As the secretary of the Rural Work Committee, I can't stand by and watch this happen."

"So you're here to convince me?"

"Yes."

The chairman smiled.

But I'm glad Wei Hongjun had the guts to call a halt to such a project. A cadre needs such decisiveness.

In fact, this decision is not easy to make.

After all, this was a massive project, involving so many people from top to bottom. Sending the report back would only offend so many people. Most officials would avoid such matters.

However, the Chairman couldn't make a judgment right away. So, after some thought, he said, "You go back first. I'll take a close look at these four reports. I'll discuss my opinions with the other comrades and then give you an answer."

"Yes."

Seeing that Wei Hongjun had not left, the Chairman smiled and asked, "What's the matter?"

"Chairman, there's one more thing. I know that weather forecasts are currently classified as military secrets, controlled by the military and not released to the public. However, I'm in charge of rural affairs, and right now, it's our farmers who are most in need of weather forecasts. They're the ones farming, and that's why they need them most."

"You mean completely public weather forecasts."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun said, "Weather forecasts should serve the general public." "Yes."

The Chairman nodded and said, "I understand this matter. I will talk to Comrade Wu Hao about it."

874 People Hate Dogs and Dislike Yang Quanwu

There are no secrets on the central government's side either.

Wei Hongjun's rejection of the South China Reclamation Bureau's plan report was initially a small-scale issue, but within a few days, word spread to the South China Reclamation Bureau.

Marshal Ye personally called Wei Hongjun to ask why he rejected the report.

Marshal Ye felt very embarrassed and very angry.

Since the signing of the Sino-Soviet "Supplementary Rubber Agreement" and the adoption of the rubber strategy at a meeting chaired by Chen Yun, technical personnel have been mobilized nationwide to participate in the rubber campaign. Not long ago, at a swearing-in ceremony for the first batch of faculty and students from universities like Sun Yat-sen University, Jinling University, Lingnan University, and Shandong University destined for South China, Marshal Ye addressed the gathering: "We want peace, but we are not afraid of war. War requires force, so our rubber planting is targeted at this point. We must seize the opportunity, plant quickly, plant well, and plant in large quantities."

At that time, Marshal Ye was in charge of the South China Reclamation Bureau and formulated an ambitious plan.

Originally, he had never thought that he would be stuck in the central government.

The rubber strategy was approved by Chen Yun and approved by the Chairman. Who could have imagined that Wei Hongjun would reject the plan after his return? Marshal Ye was furious.

Of course, Marshal Ye is also going through a difficult time now.

Since Luo Qirong became the secretary of the South China Branch, the three aspects of the Party, government and military have been excluding Marshal Ye and suppressing the cadres headed by Fang Fang. Marshal Ye's tactics are to overcome strength with softness, but Luo Qirong's actions are swift and decisive.

Just do it.

This time, Gao Gang's intervention worsened the situation. Gao Gang, a cadre with experience in rural affairs, had hit the mark with his first move. He directly targeted the most serious clan system in Guangdong and Guangxi. Clans were a highly effective management method for stabilizing rural areas in agrarian societies.

However, with the advent of industrial society and modern society, clans have become a serious problem. The biggest problem with clans is that clan rules outweigh national laws, and if you really want to find out, you can find a lot of violations of the law.

Gao Gang, under the guise of "changing customs and practices," attacked the clans of Guangdong and Guangxi, broadening the scope of his attack to include cadre issues. Luo Qirong criticized localism at every meeting, seemingly criticizing Fang Fang and his colleagues, but in reality, his target was Ye Shuai, the former First Secretary of the South China Branch.

Because Marshal Ye had been in the Southern Bureau for many years, leading the work in the South, and he was definitely a deep-rooted figure here, so Luo Qirong dealt with localism by pursuing Marshal Ye.

Then there is the Central-South Military Region.

Tan Zheng, Wang Qiuyun, and Luo Renfa were in charge of the Central South Military Region and were implicitly rejecting Marshal Ye. That was why Marshal Ye was prepared to focus on the work of the South China Reclamation Bureau.

Unexpectedly, Wei Hongjun rejected it.

What was Marshal Ye's credentials? He was a cadre who had made significant contributions to the Nanchang Uprising and had led the Guangzhou Uprising. Marshal Ye was already furious with the Central South Bureau, and now that Wei Hongjun had rejected his proposal, how could he not be angry? Marshal Ye also had a temper, so he wanted to confront Wei Hongjun directly.

Before Wei Hongjun could respond, Chairman Mao sent a telegram to the Central South Bureau, requesting Deng Zhihui and Marshal Ye to listen more closely to the opinions of lower-level cadres, especially the Chinese technicians. They urged against blind, unplanned reclamation.

Chairman Mao ordered Wei Hongjun to travel south to meet with the Central South Bureau and the South China Reclamation Bureau to revise the rubber campaign plan. Chairman Mao then met with Wei Hongjun and approved his proposal. However, Chairman Mao stated that one million mu was too small and could potentially lead to conflict with Soviet experts. Therefore, Chairman Mao instructed Wei Hongjun to double the amount, initially planting two million mu. Furthermore, Chairman Mao also urged the public to plant four million mu by 200.

As for whether to plant all rubber trees, let Wei Hongjun conduct an on-site inspection and discuss it with the Central South Bureau and the South China Reclamation Bureau.

When Chairman Mao saw Wei Hongjun off, he said to him, "Comrade Wei Hongjun, you are a commander leading troops into battle. You should understand that some battles cannot be fought head-on, but rather require circuitous tactics. When you go to Guangdong, do not engage in direct conflict with the Soviet experts."

However, Wei Hongjun still had to deal with some matters in Beijing before he could travel south. In particular, Zhang Dingcheng and his team had already come up with a plan for the splitting of the National Compilation Committee while Wei Hongjun was still in North Korea. So, after making some simple revisions to Wei Hongjun's requirements, they submitted a report to him.

Wei Hongjun didn't think there were many problems.

So it was submitted to the State Council and the Secretariat.

Wei Hongjun was surprised by the response, which came faster than he had anticipated. Both the Secretariat and the State Council quickly approved the proposal. Finally, it reached the Central Committee, which also approved it. However, Wei Hongjun's proposal to appoint Zhang Dingcheng as Director of the Personnel Bureau was rejected by the Chairman.

The Party Central Committee has other arrangements for Zhang Dingcheng.

Wei Hongjun knew that Zhang Dingcheng would probably be given a new appointment after the Eighth National Congress and the National People's Congress.

However, after rejecting Zhang Dingcheng, the Central Committee did not simply select a cadre for the position of Director of the Personnel Bureau. Instead, the Central Committee and the State Council chose 34-year-old Zhou Rongxin, currently serving as Secretary-General of the Finance and Economics Committee. Zhou Rongxin had joined the Party in 1933, participated in the December th Movement, and graduated from the second term of the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University.

After graduation, I came to Jin-Cha-Ji.

He served as Organization Minister of the Xingtang County Party Committee and later at the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region Headquarters. After the 8th Column captured Zhangjiakou, he became Party Secretary of the Ping-Sui Railway Bureau, responsible for its safety and operation. He was later transferred to the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau, where he served as Deputy Secretary-General and Director of the General Office. Following the establishment of the North China Bureau, he served as Deputy Secretary-General and Director of the General Office.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, he first served as Deputy Secretary-General and Director of the General Office of the Finance and Economics Committee. After the Finance and Economics Committee expanded, he became Secretary-General. Wei Hongjun was very familiar with Zhou Rongxin.